Hutto Jonathan W, Green Rodney D
Howard University, Washington, DC, USA.
J Urban Health. 2016 Apr;93 Suppl 1(Suppl 1):89-121. doi: 10.1007/s11524-015-0013-x.
Racist police brutality has been systemic in Prince George's County, Maryland. The victims include African Americans, the mentally challenged, and immigrant populations, creating a complex and uneven public health impact. Three threads characterize the social movements and intervention since 1970. First, a significant demographic shift occurred as African Americans became the majority population in the late 1980s when the first Black county executive was elected in 1994. Despite the change in political leadership, police brutality remained rampant. Lower-income households located close to the District of Columbia and "inside the beltway" experienced the most police brutality. In 2001, The Washington Post revealed that between 1990 and 2000, Prince George's police shot and killed more citizens per officer than any of the 50 largest city and county law enforcement agencies in the country, 84 % of whom were black. Of the 147 persons shot during the 1990s, 12 were mentally and/or emotionally disturbed; 6 of these shootings were fatal. Second, resistance to police brutality emerged in a variety of political formations throughout the period, especially in the late 1990s. Sustained community pressure prompted the Department of Justice (DOJ) to open a civil rights investigation of the police department in November 2000. To avoid a potential federal lawsuit, the county leadership negotiated a memorandum of agreement (MOA) with the DOJ to enact policy reforms, part of which called for supplementing the departmental mobile crisis team, comprised of mental health care professionals, to respond to all cases involving mentally challenged citizens. Third, the incomplete process of change subsequent to the ending of DOJ oversight suggests a continued challenge to social movements opposing police brutality. This study focuses on the effectiveness of the MOA along with the activism of the People's Coalition for Police Accountability (PCPA) in reforming a culture of police brutality. The intensive oversight by the DOJ, combined with engaged resident activism, reduced the incidences of police brutality during the period 2004-2013. Since the termination of DOJ oversight, disturbing developments suggest the need for continued and sustained activism. Since 2010, county police officers have fatally shot 21 people, several in questionable circumstances. At the same time, the Prince George's Police Department has received more tactical military weaponry than any other jurisdiction in the state of Maryland under the 1033 program of the National Defense Authorization Act.
在马里兰州乔治王子县,种族主义警察暴行一直是系统性的。受害者包括非裔美国人、智障人士和移民群体,造成了复杂且不均衡的公共卫生影响。自1970年以来,社会运动和干预呈现出三个特点。首先,出现了重大的人口结构转变,非裔美国人在20世纪80年代末成为多数人口,并于1994年选出了首位黑人县长。尽管政治领导层发生了变化,但警察暴行仍然猖獗。靠近哥伦比亚特区且在“环城公路以内”的低收入家庭遭受的警察暴行最为严重。2001年,《华盛顿邮报》披露,在1990年至2000年期间,乔治王子县警方每名警察开枪打死的公民比全国50个最大城市和县级执法机构中的任何一个都多,其中84%是黑人。在20世纪90年代被枪击的147人中,有12人存在精神和/或情绪问题;其中6起枪击事件是致命的。其次,在这一时期,对警察暴行的抵抗出现在各种政治形式中,尤其是在20世纪90年代末。持续的社区压力促使美国司法部(DOJ)在2000年11月对警察局展开民权调查。为避免潜在的联邦诉讼,县领导层与美国司法部协商达成了一项协议备忘录(MOA)以实施政策改革,其中部分内容要求扩充由精神卫生保健专业人员组成的部门移动危机应对小组,以应对所有涉及智障公民的案件。第三,美国司法部监督结束后的变革过程不完整,这表明反对警察暴行的社会运动仍面临持续挑战。本研究聚焦于协议备忘录的有效性以及警察问责人民联盟(PCPA)在改革警察暴行文化方面的激进主义行动。美国司法部的严格监督,加上居民的积极行动,在2004年至2013年期间减少了警察暴行的发生率。自美国司法部监督终止以来,令人不安的事态发展表明仍需要持续不断的激进主义行动。自2010年以来,县警察已开枪打死21人,其中几起情况可疑。与此同时,根据《国防授权法》第1033计划,乔治王子县警察局获得的战术军事武器比马里兰州的任何其他辖区都多。