Princeton University.
Harvard University.
Br J Sociol. 2017 Nov;68 Suppl 1:S57-S84. doi: 10.1111/1468-4446.12319.
This paper explores the factors that have recently increased support for candidates and causes of the populist right across the developed democracies, especially among a core group of working-class men. In the context of debates about whether the key causal factors are economic or cultural, we contend that an effective analysis must rest on understanding how economic and cultural developments interact to generate support for populism. We suggest that one way to do so is to see status anxiety as a proximate factor inducing support for populism, and economic and cultural developments as factors that combine to precipitate such anxiety. Using cross-national survey data from 20 developed democracies, we assess the viability of this approach. We show that lower levels of subjective social status are associated with support for right populist parties, identify a set of economic and cultural developments likely to have depressed the social status of men without a college education, and show that the relative social status of those men has declined since 1987 in many of the developed democracies. We conclude that status effects provide one pathway through which economic and cultural developments may combine to increase support for the populist right.
本文探讨了近期在发达民主国家中,尤其是在核心的工人阶级男性群体中,支持民粹主义右翼候选人与原因的因素。在关于关键因果因素是经济因素还是文化因素的辩论中,我们认为,有效的分析必须基于理解经济和文化发展如何相互作用从而产生对民粹主义的支持。我们提出,一种方法是将地位焦虑视为导致支持民粹主义的近因因素,而经济和文化发展则是共同引发这种焦虑的因素。我们利用来自 20 个发达民主国家的跨国调查数据来评估这种方法的可行性。我们表明,较低的主观社会地位与支持右翼民粹主义政党有关,确定了一系列可能降低没有大学学历的男性社会地位的经济和文化发展,并表明自 1987 年以来,许多发达民主国家中这些男性的相对社会地位已经下降。我们的结论是,地位效应提供了一种途径,通过这种途径,经济和文化发展可能会共同增加对民粹主义右翼的支持。