Drake Lesley, Fernandes Meena, Aurino Elisabetta, Kiamba Josephine, Giyose Boitshepo, Burbano Carmen, Alderman Harold, Mai Lu, Mitchell Arlene, Gelli Aulo
Almost every country in the world has a national school feeding program to provide daily snacks or meals to school-attending children and adolescents. The interventions reach an estimated 368 million children and adolescents globally. The total investment in the intervention is projected to be as much as US$75 billion annually (WFP 2013), largely from government budgets. School feeding may contribute to multiple objectives, including social safety nets, education, nutrition, health, and local agriculture. Its contribution to education objectives is well recognized and documented, while its role as a social safety net was underscored following the food and fuel crises of 2007 and 2008 (Bundy and others 2009). In terms of health and nutrition, school feeding contributes to the continuum of development by building on investments made earlier in the life course, including maternal and infant health interventions and early child development interventions (see chapter 7 in this volume, Alderman and others 2017). School feeding may also help leverage global efforts to enhance the inclusiveness of education for out-of-school children, adolescent girls, and disabled persons, as called for in the Sustainable Development Goals (see chapter 17 in this volume, Graham and others 2017). Although the series focuses on low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), evidence from high-income countries (HICs) is included because of the near universality of school feeding and the insights that inclusion can provide as economies develop. For example, the design of school feeding in countries undergoing the nutrition transition may provide some lessons on how to shift from providing access to sufficient calories to promoting healthful diets and dietary behaviors for children and adolescents (WFP 2013). Agricultural development has increasingly gained attention. It is clear that to enable the transition to sustainable, scalable government-run programs, the inclusion of the agricultural sector is essential (Bundy and others 2009; Drake and others 2016). Accounting for the full benefits of school feeding through cost-effectiveness and benefit-cost analysis is challenging, similar to other complex interventions, but undertaking this accounting is critical for assessing the tradeoffs with competing investments. This chapter reviews the evidence about how school feeding meets these objectives and provides some indication of costs in relation to benefits. The costs of the intervention are well established; estimates that encompass all the benefits of school feeding are more challenging. The benefits must be quantified and translated to the same unit to allow for aggregation. Moreover, how school feeding interventions are designed and implemented varies significantly across countries. Given that delivery of school feeding often involves multiple sectors, common policy frameworks and cross-sectoral coordination are required to achieve maximum benefit (Bundy and others 2009). Several other chapters in the volume highlight school feeding. These include chapter 11 (Lassi, Moin, and Bhutta 2017), chapter 20 (Bundy and others 2017), chapter 22 (Plaut and others 2017), and chapter 25 (Fernandes and Aurino 2017).
世界上几乎每个国家都有国家学校供餐计划,为在校儿童和青少年提供每日零食或餐食。这些干预措施在全球范围内惠及约3.68亿儿童和青少年。预计该干预措施每年的总投资高达750亿美元(世界粮食计划署,2013年),主要来自政府预算。学校供餐有助于实现多个目标,包括社会安全网、教育、营养、健康和地方农业。其对教育目标的贡献得到了充分认可和记录,而在2007年和2008年粮食和燃料危机之后,其作为社会安全网的作用得到了强调(邦迪等人,2009年)。在健康和营养方面,学校供餐通过基于生命早期的投资,包括孕产妇和婴儿健康干预措施以及幼儿发展干预措施,为持续发展做出贡献(见本卷第7章,奥尔德曼等人,2017年)。学校供餐还可能有助于推动全球努力,提高失学儿童、少女和残疾人教育的包容性,这是可持续发展目标所要求的(见本卷第17章,格雷厄姆等人,2017年)。尽管本系列重点关注低收入和中等收入国家,但也纳入了高收入国家的证据,因为学校供餐几乎具有普遍性,而且随着经济发展,纳入这些证据可以提供一些见解。例如,正在经历营养转型的国家的学校供餐设计可能会提供一些经验教训,说明如何从提供足够热量转向促进儿童和青少年的健康饮食和饮食行为(世界粮食计划署,2013年)。农业发展越来越受到关注。显然,要实现向可持续、可扩展的政府运营计划的转型,纳入农业部门至关重要(邦迪等人,2009年;德雷克等人,2016年)。通过成本效益分析和效益成本分析来核算学校供餐的全部效益具有挑战性,这与其他复杂干预措施类似,但进行这种核算对于评估与竞争性投资的权衡至关重要。本章回顾了关于学校供餐如何实现这些目标的证据,并提供了一些与效益相关的成本指标。干预措施的成本已经明确;但估算涵盖学校供餐所有效益的成本更具挑战性。效益必须进行量化并转化为相同的单位以便汇总。此外,各国学校供餐干预措施的设计和实施差异很大。鉴于学校供餐的实施通常涉及多个部门,需要共同的政策框架和跨部门协调以实现最大效益(邦迪等人,2009年)。本卷中的其他几章也突出了学校供餐。这些章节包括第11章(拉西、莫因和布胡塔,2017年)、第20章(邦迪等人,2017年)、第22章(普劳特等人,2017年)和第25章(费尔南德斯和奥里诺,2017年)。