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[波兰第二共和国时期马佐夫舍北部部分县的非婚生育情况]

[Illegitimate births in selected poviats of Northern Mazowsze in the period of the second Republic of Poland].

作者信息

Dworecka Teresa

出版信息

Med Nowozytna. 2007;14(1-2):137-66.

Abstract

The main subject of my analysis were dublicates of birth certificates from Registered Offices in six poviats of Northern Mazowsze in the period of the second Republic of Poland. Sixty two thousand three hundred and ninety three Roman Catholic, Jewish and Protestant religion birth certificates from the years 1918-1939 were analysed. Among those births two thousand four hundred and fifty were illegitimate, which is 3.93% of all births. It is worth underlining that the number of illegitimate births on the analysed area was lower than in other regions of the country in the same period. The highest number of illegitimate births was recorded in 1936, the lowest in 1918. If it comes to poviats, poviat "pułtuski" has the greatest percentage share in the whole number of illegitimate births. The lowest number of illegitimate births was recorded in poviat "przasnyski". The tragedy of an illegitimate child, as press of that time emphasized, started with the case of surname and defining the nature of the birth itself, due to the fact that in our law there was not defined any form of marital status certificate allowing a person to conceal or cover the illegitimate origin. Usually, the fact of giving birth to a child from a matrimony reported the father and in the certificate was written "the child born by his legitimate spouse...". The fact of absence of the father at the time of drawing the birth certificate was also marked and the reasons of the absence were given, e. g. "father at war with Bolsheviks" or "father abroad". However, in the case of an illegitimate child the record was "child born by her, X year old unmarried girl, father unknown" or "by her X year old girl and unknown father". In some certificates at a later date the father's name was added but without his surname. The fact of giving birth to an illegitimate child among Roman Catholics and Protestants was reported usually by the child's mother, her relatives or other sometimes completely strange people. Due to Stanisława Orzechowska as many as 77% of illegitimate children's fathers did not want to bear the consequences of their actions and secure the child's financial maintenance. From my research appears that this regularity applies only to fathers of Roman Catholic and Protestant religion. Whereas, among illegitimate children of Jewish religion there were only several cases in which the father remained unknown or the child had not been legitimized by the biological father. Among the representatives of the Jewish religion the fact of giving birth to an illegitimate child was usually registered by the child's father, who as was written in the certificate: "accepted the child as his and declared he is the father". About the illegitimate child's mother it was written: "born by illegitimate wife" or "unlawful spouse" or "unmarried X years old living with the child's father", "child born by mother X and father Y". We can even discover that at drawing the illegitimate children's certificates euphemisms were commonly used. While among Catholics phase: "by her unmarried" had a pejorative meaning. Among Jews a common practise was recording by the father at the Registry Office even several children born in different years from an illegitimate relationship with only one woman. Then, it was marked that "the delay was caused by family reasons" or "father's departure to America". It was occasionally written that "the reason of late report was father's negligence". Whereas, in situation of a delay in drawing the illegitimate child's certificate among Roman Catholics it was usually marked that: "the delay is caused by mother's negligence" or "certificate delayed because of her appearing", so the father was never blamed. While among Jews father felt responsible for his children and their mother. In the press was repeatedly emphasized that the illegitimate mothers were usually young, helpless maidens, not depraved born losers, which came to a big city from the country in the pursuit of a job. While, from the gathered material appears that the illegitimate mothers were only occasionally sixteen or seventeen years old. In majority they were from twenty four to twenty eight years old. Mamy times in birth certificates the mother's origin was defined: "workwoman's daughter", "worker's daughter", "farmer's daughter". Illegitimate mothers were above all workwoman or workers. In Płońsk, on the other hand, maiden. It is probable, that it was for the nearness of Warsaw. Girls from the provinces were coming to the capital city in the pursuit of the job of a maiden. When they got pregnant they got back to their homeland. Other commonly found illegitimate mothers' occupations were: tailoring, hosiery and street-trade. Illegitimate children's birth certificates do not give any information about the fathers. In a situation of drawing a birth certificate for children from a matrimony, the father's occupation or social position was commonly defined: "farm worker", "workman", "trader", "craftsman". Birth certifcates give also information about the abandoned children. In the discussed period there were not many abandonments on this particular territory. Among all analysed certificates only four included information about children that had been abandoned, e. g. "the child found in a roadsite ditch without any sign or a guideline to identify the religion or the date of birth". Social transformations that took place in the period of the second Republic of Poland were closely connected with economic development. The economic situation has its influence on the increasing or decreasing number of births in various years. The cultural stucture of society was in close relation with education. National and religious differences played its great role too. However, it is difficult to give an ambigous answer to the question what factors had the most important influence on the number of illegitimate births in analysed poviats in the period between the two World Wars. Not every change that takes place in society can be analysed with a quantitative method due to the fact that not everything can be measured.

摘要

我分析的主要对象是波兰第二共和国时期马佐夫舍北部六个县登记处的出生证明副本。分析了1918年至1939年期间62393份罗马天主教、犹太教和新教的出生证明。在这些出生记录中,有2450例是非婚生育,占所有出生记录的3.93%。值得强调的是,在同一时期,分析区域内的非婚生育数量低于该国其他地区。非婚生育数量最多的年份是1936年,最少的是1918年。就县而言,“普乌图斯克”县在非婚生育总数中所占比例最大。“普拉斯尼斯基”县的非婚生育数量最少。正如当时的媒体所强调的,非婚生子女的悲剧始于姓氏问题以及确定出生性质本身,因为在我们的法律中没有定义任何形式的婚姻状况证明,以使一个人能够隐瞒或掩盖非婚生的出身。通常,婚内生育的孩子会登记父亲,出生证明上会写“其合法配偶所生之子……”。在开具出生证明时父亲不在场的情况也会被注明,并给出不在场的原因,例如“父亲与布尔什维克作战”或“父亲在国外”。然而,对于非婚生子女,记录为“由她,X岁未婚女孩所生,父亲不详”或“由她,X岁女孩和不知名父亲所生”。在一些证明中,后来会加上父亲的名字,但没有姓氏。罗马天主教徒和新教徒中非婚生育的情况通常由孩子的母亲、她的亲属或其他有时完全陌生的人报告。由于斯坦尼斯拉娃·奥热霍夫斯卡的原因,多达77%的非婚生子女的父亲不想承担他们行为的后果,也不保障孩子的经济抚养。从我的研究来看,这种规律只适用于罗马天主教和新教的父亲。而在犹太教非婚生子女中,只有几例父亲身份不明或孩子未被生父合法化的情况。在犹太教代表中,非婚生育的情况通常由孩子的父亲登记,证明中会写:“接受该孩子为自己的,并宣称自己是父亲”。关于非婚生子女的母亲,会写:“由非婚妻子所生”或“非法配偶”或“与孩子父亲同居的未婚X岁女子”,“由母亲X和父亲Y所生的孩子”。我们甚至可以发现,在开具非婚生子女证明时,常用委婉语。在天主教徒中,“由她未婚”这一表述有贬义。在犹太人中,常见的做法是父亲在登记处登记与同一女子非婚生育的几个不同年份出生的孩子。然后会注明“延迟是由于家庭原因”或“父亲前往美国”。偶尔会写“延迟报告的原因是父亲疏忽”。而在罗马天主教徒中开具非婚生子女证明出现延迟的情况下,通常会注明:“延迟是由于母亲疏忽”或“因她出现导致证明延迟”,所以从不责怪父亲。而在犹太人中,父亲对自己的孩子及其母亲负责。媒体反复强调,非婚生母亲通常是年轻、无助的少女,不是堕落的天生失败者,她们从农村来到大城市寻找工作。然而,从收集到的材料来看,非婚生母亲只是偶尔为十六七岁。大多数是二十四到二十八岁。出生证明中很多时候会注明母亲的出身:“女工之女”、“工人之女”、“农民之女”。非婚生母亲首先是女工或工人。另一方面,在普沃茨克是少女。这可能是因为靠近华沙。来自外省的女孩来到首都寻找少女的工作。她们怀孕后就回到家乡。其他常见的非婚生母亲的职业有:裁缝、针织和街头贸易。非婚生子女的出生证明没有提供关于父亲的任何信息。在为婚内生育的孩子开具出生证明的情况下,通常会注明父亲的职业或社会地位:“农场工人”、“工人”、“商人”、“工匠”。出生证明也提供关于被遗弃孩子的信息。在讨论的时期,这个特定地区的遗弃情况不多。在所有分析的证明中,只有四份包含了关于被遗弃孩子的信息,例如“在路边沟渠发现的孩子,没有任何标识或线索来确定宗教信仰或出生日期”。波兰第二共和国时期发生的社会变革与经济发展密切相关。经济状况对不同年份出生人数的增减有影响。社会的文化结构与教育密切相关。民族和宗教差异也起到了很大作用。然而,对于两次世界大战之间分析的各县非婚生育数量受哪些因素影响最大这个问题,很难给出一个明确的答案。由于并非所有事情都能衡量,所以并非社会发生的每一个变化都能用定量方法进行分析。

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