Lalande S, Braun C M, Charlebois N, Whitaker H A
Université du Québec, Montréal, Canada.
Brain Lang. 1992 Feb;42(2):165-86. doi: 10.1016/0093-934x(92)90123-v.
Ten nonaphasic left cerebrovascular accident (CVA) patients, 12 right CVA patients, and 16 normals were matched for age, education, lesion sizes, and postonset intervals; all were right handed. One task consisted of 36 sentences connoting one of six primary emotions (joy, sadness, fear, surprise, disgust, anger) presented binaurally with a neutral emotional tone. Subjects were required to point to the appropriate emotion name on a vertically arranged list. A second task consisted of the same 36 sentences voiced emotionally by humming with a closed mouth, presented binaurally, and requiring the same response as for the preceding task. A third task consisted of 18 of the sentences spoken with concordant emotional tone and the remaining 18 sentences spoken with discordant emotional tone, presented binaurally and requiring pointing to the word "SAME" or "DIFFERENT" arrayed vertically. The right hemisphere (RH) patients were significantly impaired, relative to the left hemisphere (LH) patients and normals, on the pure prosody task (2) and on the emotional concordance task (3), the latter effect being significant only for mismatch categorization. The LH patients performed (nonsignificantly) less well than the RH patients and normals on the verbal contextual task (1). Performances on the three tasks were not significantly correlated in the patient groups. It was concluded that the RH probably dominates for phonetic discrimination of vowel trains (fundamental frequency and/or single vowel or multivowel contour) and that the RH probably dominates for certain forms of selective attention in the verbal domain perhaps involving simultaneous mismatch treatment of ongoing sentence-level, distracting, complementary, verbal processes. Comparison of similar right and left, cortical (frontoparietal), and subcortical (capsule and basal ganglia) lesions suggested, but did not prove, that the RH pure prosody impairment is cortical whereas the RH tonal-semantic mismatch categorization impairment involves subcortical as well as cortical contributions.
选取了10名非失语性左脑血管意外(CVA)患者、12名右CVA患者和16名正常人,在年龄、教育程度、病灶大小和发病后间隔时间上进行匹配;所有患者均为右利手。第一项任务包括36个句子,这些句子表达六种基本情绪(喜悦、悲伤、恐惧、惊讶、厌恶、愤怒)中的一种,以中性情绪语调双耳呈现。受试者需要在垂直排列的列表中指出相应的情绪名称。第二项任务包括相同的36个句子,通过闭嘴哼唱以带有情感的方式发声,双耳呈现,并要求做出与前一项任务相同的反应。第三项任务包括18个以一致情感语调说出的句子和其余18个以不一致情感语调说出的句子,双耳呈现,并要求指出垂直排列的“相同”或“不同”字样。相对于左半球(LH)患者和正常人,右半球(RH)患者在纯韵律任务(2)和情感一致性任务(3)上明显受损,后一种效应仅在不匹配分类时显著。在言语情境任务(1)中,LH患者的表现(无显著差异)比RH患者和正常人要差。患者组在这三项任务上的表现没有显著相关性。研究得出结论,RH可能在元音序列的语音辨别(基频和/或单个元音或多元音轮廓)方面占主导地位,并且RH可能在言语领域的某些选择性注意形式方面占主导地位,这可能涉及对正在进行的句子层面、干扰性、互补性言语过程的同时不匹配处理。对相似的左右皮质(额顶叶)和皮质下(囊和基底神经节)病变的比较表明,但未证明,RH的纯韵律损伤是皮质性的,而RH的音调-语义不匹配分类损伤涉及皮质下以及皮质的作用。