Hasting Anna S, Kotz Sonja A, Friederici Angela D
Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences, Leipzig, Germany.
J Cogn Neurosci. 2007 Mar;19(3):386-400. doi: 10.1162/jocn.2007.19.3.386.
The present study investigated the automaticity of morphosyntactic processes and processes of syntactic structure building using event-related brain potentials. Two experiments were conducted, which contrasted the impact of local subject-verb agreement violations (Experiment 1) and word category violations (Experiment 2) on the mismatch negativity, an early event-related brain potential component reflecting automatic auditory change detection. The two violation types were realized in two-word utterances comparable with regard to acoustic parameters and structural complexity. The grammaticality of the utterances modulated the mismatch negativity response in both experiments, suggesting that both types of syntactic violations were detected automatically within 200 msec after the violation point. However, the topographical distribution of the grammaticality effect varied as a function of violation type, which indicates that the brain mechanisms underlying the processing of subject-verb agreement and word category information may be functionally distinct even at this earliest stage of syntactic analysis. The findings are discussed against the background of studies investigating syntax processing beyond the level of two-word utterances.
本研究利用事件相关脑电位,对形态句法加工过程和句法结构构建过程的自动性进行了调查。进行了两项实验,对比了局部主谓一致违反(实验1)和词类违反(实验2)对失配负波的影响,失配负波是一种早期事件相关脑电位成分,反映自动听觉变化检测。这两种违反类型在声学参数和结构复杂性方面相当的双词话语中得以实现。话语的语法性在两个实验中均调节了失配负波反应,这表明两种句法违反类型在违反点后200毫秒内均被自动检测到。然而,语法性效应的地形分布随违反类型而变化,这表明即使在句法分析的最早阶段,处理主谓一致和词类信息的脑机制在功能上可能也是不同的。研究结果是在调查超出双词话语层面的句法加工的研究背景下进行讨论的。