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句法失配负波在颞叶皮质的定位:一项脑磁图研究。

Localization of the syntactic mismatch negativity in the temporal cortex: an MEG study.

作者信息

Herrmann Björn, Maess Burkhard, Hasting Anna S, Friederici Angela D

机构信息

Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences, MEG group, Muldentalweg 9, 04828 Bennewitz, Germany.

出版信息

Neuroimage. 2009 Nov 15;48(3):590-600. doi: 10.1016/j.neuroimage.2009.06.082. Epub 2009 Jul 9.

DOI:10.1016/j.neuroimage.2009.06.082
PMID:19595773
Abstract

Recent auditory oddball studies using syntactic stimuli report a syntactic effect on the mismatch negativity (sMMN) around 100-200 ms. For morphosyntactic violations, this sMMN effect has been localized in the left superior temporal cortex. Independently, a recent visual sentence processing study introduced a "sensory hypothesis" which postulates that sensory cortices are sensitive to syntactic violations when these are overtly marked by closed-class morphemes, and thus contribute to early syntax-related effects in EEG and MEG. The present study aimed to test the sensory hypothesis in the auditory modality by localizing the neuronal sources of the sMMN to phrase structure violations. Using whole head magnetoencephalography, two-word utterances which were syntactically correct, uncommon or incorrect due to a word category violation were presented in an auditory oddball paradigm. In the sMMN time window (100-180 ms), incorrect phrases elicited strongest activation in the left Sylvian fissure (including the primary auditory cortex) and in the left superior temporal sulcus. Prior to this, a very early grammaticality effect (40-80 ms), focused in the left Sylvian fissure, was found. An additional grammaticality effect in a later time window (280-380 ms) was localized in the anterior part of the superior temporal gyrus, the planum polare. Processing of an uncommon phrase did not differ from processing a correct phrase in any of the time windows, indicating the genuinely syntactic nature of the sMMN effect. Our results are in line with previous studies localizing the sMMN to morphosyntactic violations and are furthermore compatible with the sensory hypothesis of closed-class morphology based syntactic processes.

摘要

近期使用句法刺激的听觉失匹配负波研究报告称,在100 - 200毫秒左右出现了句法对失匹配负波(sMMN)的影响。对于形态句法违反情况,这种sMMN效应已定位在左侧颞上叶皮质。另外,最近一项视觉句子处理研究提出了一种“感觉假设”,该假设假定当句法违反由封闭类语素明显标记时,感觉皮层对其敏感,从而在脑电图和脑磁图中产生早期句法相关效应。本研究旨在通过将sMMN的神经元源定位到短语结构违反情况来检验听觉模态下的感觉假设。使用全头脑磁图,在听觉失匹配范式中呈现句法正确、不常见或因词类违反而不正确的双词话语。在sMMN时间窗口(100 - 180毫秒)内,不正确的短语在左侧颞叶沟(包括初级听觉皮层)和左侧颞上沟引发了最强激活。在此之前,发现了一个非常早期的语法性效应(40 - 80毫秒),集中在左侧颞叶沟。在稍后的时间窗口(280 - 380毫秒)中,另一个语法性效应定位在颞上回前部、颞极平面。在任何时间窗口中,处理不常见短语与处理正确短语没有差异,这表明sMMN效应具有真正的句法性质。我们的结果与之前将sMMN定位到形态句法违反的研究一致,并且进一步与基于封闭类形态学的句法过程的感觉假设相符。

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