Hayward R S, Rockwood K, Sheehan G J, Bass E B
Division of Internal Medicine, Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, Baltimore, MD 21205.
Ann Intern Med. 1991 Sep 1;115(5):372-6. doi: 10.7326/0003-4819-115-5-372.
To identify, describe, and quantify the night-call duties that residents in internal medicine call "scutwork" and to compare faculty and residents' perceptions of scutwork.
Prospective, cross-sectional study.
General internal medicine training program at a university-affiliated tertiary care hospital.
Forty-eight residents who spent 3 months or more on an internal medicine teaching unit during the previous year and 41 faculty members who spent 2 months or more on one of these units.
Postcall surveys and night-call diaries were used to analyze residents' activities, to derive a definition of scutwork, and to estimate its prevalence. Residents and faculty then completed a detailed questionnaire that included ratings of the educational value, "scut content," and residents' responsibility for 20 specific tasks.
Eighty-three percent of residents found scutwork and education to be mutually exclusive for the 20 tasks, although 20% indicated that scutwork was an appropriate task for residents. Residents' ratings of tasks as scut varied according to the context of the task. For example, obtaining routine consent from someone else's patient was considered scutwork by 98% of residents, whereas obtaining such consent from the residents's own patient was rated as scutwork by only 52% (P less than 0.01). Similarly, performing intravenous cannulation at the request of ward staff was rated as scut by 94% of residents, whereas performing cannulation at another resident's request was rated as scut by 56% (P less than 0.01). Night-time admission of a patient for an elective procedure was rated as scut by 75% of residents, whereas admission of such a patient after discussion with a faculty member was labeled scut by only 44% (P less than 0.01). Faculty ratings of such admissions did not show the same variation (24% for both). Faculty were more likely than residents to assess tasks as educational (50% compared with 26%, P less than 0.01) but were less likely to consider tasks as scutwork (47% compared with 62%, P = 0.12) or as work that should be done by nonresidents (35% compared with 46%, P greater than 0.2).
Our results suggest that the characteristics of scutwork can be identified, that the perception of scut varies between faculty and residents, and that the context of a task often determines whether residents perceive it as scut.
识别、描述并量化内科住院医师所称的“杂务”夜间值班职责,并比较教员和住院医师对杂务的看法。
前瞻性横断面研究。
一所大学附属医院的普通内科培训项目。
前一年在普通内科教学单元度过3个月或更长时间的48名住院医师,以及在这些单元之一度过2个月或更长时间的41名教员。
使用值班后调查和夜间值班日记来分析住院医师的活动,得出杂务的定义,并估计其发生率。住院医师和教员随后完成一份详细问卷,其中包括对20项具体任务的教育价值、“杂务含量”以及住院医师责任的评分。
83%的住院医师认为杂务和教育在这20项任务中相互排斥,尽管20%的人表示杂务对住院医师来说是一项合适的任务。住院医师对任务是否为杂务的评分因任务背景而异。例如,98%的住院医师认为从他人的患者那里获得常规同意是杂务,而从自己的患者那里获得此类同意只有52%的人评为杂务(P<0.01)。同样,应病房工作人员要求进行静脉插管,94%的住院医师将其评为杂务,而应另一名住院医师要求进行插管,56%的人将其评为杂务(P<0.01)。75%的住院医师将择期手术患者的夜间入院评为杂务,而与教员讨论后此类患者的入院只有44%的人标记为杂务(P<0.01)。教员对这类入院的评分没有显示出同样的差异(两者均为24%)。教员比住院医师更有可能将任务评估为具有教育意义(分别为50%和26%,P<0.01),但不太可能将任务视为杂务(分别为47%和62%,P = 0.12)或视为应由非住院医师完成的工作(分别为35%和46%,P>0.2)。
我们的结果表明,可以识别杂务的特征,教员和住院医师对杂务的看法存在差异,并且任务背景通常决定住院医师是否将其视为杂务。