Department of Psychology, South China Normal University, Guangzhou, China.
Neurosci Lett. 2010 Mar 31;473(1):37-41. doi: 10.1016/j.neulet.2010.02.014. Epub 2010 Feb 12.
The present study examined the relationship between P200 and phonological processing in Chinese word recognition. Participants did a semantic judgment task on pairs of words. The critical pairs were all semantically unrelated in one of three conditions: homophonic, rhyme, or phonologically unrelated. Noting the possibility that P200 may be affected by phonological similarity and orthographic similarity and that literature studies may not have assessed such effects separately, the present study used visually dissimilar word pairs sharing no phonetic radicals. Relative to the control pairs, both the homophonic and rhyme pairs elicited a significantly larger P200 with a scalp distribution centering at the centro-parietal areas. The results present strong evidence that P200 can be modulated by lexical phonology alone, independent of sub-lexical phonology, or lexical or sub-lexical orthography. P200 effects were comparable in amplitude and topography between the homophonic and the rhyme conditions, suggesting that P200 is sensitive to phonology at both the syllabic and the sub-syllabic levels.
本研究考察了 P200 与汉语词汇识别中的语音处理之间的关系。参与者在成对的单词上进行语义判断任务。在三种条件下，关键对都是语义上不相关的：同音、押韵或语音上不相关。注意到 P200 可能受到语音相似性和正字法相似性的影响，并且文献研究可能没有分别评估这些影响，本研究使用视觉上不相似的共享无语音根的单词对。与对照组相比，同音和押韵对都引起了明显更大的 P200，头皮分布集中在中央顶区。结果提供了强有力的证据表明，P200 可以仅由词汇语音单独调制，独立于次语音或词汇或次语音正字法。在同音和押韵条件之间，P200 效应在幅度和地形上是可比的，这表明 P200 对音节和亚音节水平的语音都很敏感。
