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在主语-动词一致产生中对抗结构约束。

Against structural constraints in subject-verb agreement production.

机构信息

Department of Psychology, University of Illinois Urbana–Champaign, Champaign, IL 61820, USA.

出版信息

J Exp Psychol Learn Mem Cogn. 2013 Mar;39(2):515-28. doi: 10.1037/a0029005. Epub 2012 Jun 25.

DOI:10.1037/a0029005
PMID:22732035
原文链接:https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC4528622/
Abstract

Syntactic structure has been considered an integral component of agreement computation in language production. In agreement error studies, clause-boundedness (Bock & Cutting, 1992) and hierarchical feature-passing (Franck, Vigliocco, & Nicol, 2002) predict that local nouns within clausal modifiers should produce fewer errors than do those within phrasal modifiers due to structural differences; however, Gillespie and Pearlmutter (2011b) suggested structure might play a more limited role. Two studies examined whether the clause-boundedness effect would occur when prepositional phrase modifiers and relative clause modifiers were matched in properties likely to influence the timing of planning (Gillespie & Pearlmutter, 2011b; Solomon & Pearlmutter, 2004). In both studies, more errors occurred for plural local nouns, but the clause-boundedness effect was not observed. These findings suggest that agreement computation during production does not involve a hierarchical component.

摘要

句法结构被认为是语言产生中一致计算的一个组成部分。在一致错误研究中,分句界限(Bock & Cutting,1992)和层次特征传递(Franck,Vigliocco,& Nicol,2002)预测由于结构差异,在分句修饰语内的局部名词应该比在短语修饰语内的局部名词产生更少的错误;然而,Gillespie 和 Pearlmutter(2011b)认为结构可能起到更有限的作用。两项研究检验了在介词短语修饰语和关系从句修饰语在可能影响计划时间的属性上相匹配时,分句界限效应是否会发生(Gillespie & Pearlmutter,2011b;Solomon & Pearlmutter,2004)。在这两项研究中,复数局部名词的错误更多,但没有观察到分句界限效应。这些发现表明,在产生过程中一致计算不涉及层次组成部分。

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