Glasgow Centre for Population Health, House 6, 94 Elmbank Street, Glasgow G2 4DL, UK.
Public Health. 2013 Feb;127(2):143-52. doi: 10.1016/j.puhe.2012.11.006. Epub 2013 Jan 9.
Research published in 2010 showed that premature mortality in Glasgow over the period 2003-2007 was 30% higher than that in Liverpool and Manchester, despite the three cities sharing almost identical levels and patterns of socio-economic deprivation. A number of theories have been proposed to explain this discrepancy, including [in the light of US research linking variations in the termination of pregnancy (ToP) rate to differences in social and health outcomes] the suggestion that variations in current levels of mortality across the cities could be influenced by differences in earlier ToP rates.
To undertake further analyses of mortality data for Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester to assess the likelihood of differences in ToP rates influencing rates of excess mortality in Glasgow; to analyse long-term trends in numbers and ToP rates in the three cities (and, for comparison, between Scotland and England); and to investigate potential explanations for any differences in ToP rates.
Mortality analyses were based on the same age-, sex- and deprivation-standardized data that were used in the previous research on the three cities. ToP data (and population denominator data) covering the period 1980-2009 were obtained from Scottish and English national organizations. Historical national ToP data for the years 1969-1979 were obtained from an additional published source. Rates were calculated per female aged 15-44 years and, for analyses of ToP among teenagers, per female aged 15-19 years. Potential explanations for differences in rates were investigated by means of literature searches and discussions with key informants.
The ToP rate in Glasgow was lower than the ToP rates in Liverpool and Manchester over the total period analysed (as was the case for Scotland compared with England and Wales), although the gap has narrowed considerably, especially among females aged <20 years. This is due to a greater increase in the ToP rate in Glasgow (and Scotland), attributed, in part, to better access to ToP services. The differences in ToP rates do not appear to have been influenced by women travelling to England from Ireland for access to ToP facilities, nor by Glaswegian women travelling outside Scotland for the same reason. However, 90% of 'excess' deaths that took place in Glasgow compared with Liverpool and Manchester between 2003 and 2007 related to individuals born prior to the 1967 Abortion Act; these excess deaths, therefore, are not influenced by earlier variations in ToP rates.
Differences in ToP rates between the cities are unlikely to impact on variations in later mortality rates. Thus, while the topic of ToP is important, investigation into the reasons behind Glasgow's excess mortality levels should focus on other hypotheses.
2010 年发表的研究表明,2003 年至 2007 年期间,格拉斯哥的过早死亡率比利物浦和曼彻斯特高出 30%,尽管这三个城市的社会经济贫困程度几乎相同。为了解释这一差异,提出了许多理论,包括[鉴于美国的研究表明,终止妊娠(ToP)率的变化与社会和健康结果的差异有关],这表明城市间目前死亡率的差异可能受到早期 ToP 率差异的影响。
对格拉斯哥、利物浦和曼彻斯特的死亡率数据进行进一步分析,以评估 ToP 率的差异是否会影响格拉斯哥的超额死亡率;分析三个城市(以及苏格兰和英格兰之间)的长期趋势的人数和 ToP 率;并探讨 ToP 率差异的可能原因。
死亡率分析基于之前关于这三个城市的研究中使用的相同年龄、性别和贫困标准化数据。ToP 数据(和人口分母数据)涵盖了 1980 年至 2009 年期间,从苏格兰和英格兰的国家组织获得。1969 年至 1979 年的历史国家 ToP 数据从另一个已发表的来源获得。按 15-44 岁的女性计算每例 ToP 率,按 15-19 岁的女性计算青少年 ToP 率。通过文献检索和与主要信息提供者的讨论,探讨了导致率差异的潜在原因。
在整个分析期间,格拉斯哥的 ToP 率低于利物浦和曼彻斯特的 ToP 率(与苏格兰与英格兰和威尔士的情况相同),尽管差距已经大大缩小,尤其是在<20 岁的女性中。这是由于格拉斯哥(和苏格兰)的 ToP 率上升幅度更大,部分原因是 ToP 服务的可及性提高。ToP 率的差异似乎不受爱尔兰妇女前往英格兰接受 ToP 设施的影响,也不受格拉斯哥妇女因同样原因前往苏格兰以外地区的影响。然而,2003 年至 2007 年间,格拉斯哥与利物浦和曼彻斯特相比发生的 90%“超额”死亡与 1967 年《堕胎法案》之前出生的个体有关;因此,这些超额死亡不受早期 ToP 率变化的影响。
城市间 ToP 率的差异不太可能影响后期死亡率的变化。因此,尽管 ToP 是一个重要的话题,但对格拉斯哥过高死亡率水平背后原因的调查应侧重于其他假设。