Mountaj Nadia, El Yagoubi Radouane, Himmi Majid, Lakhdar Ghazal Faouzi, Besson Mireille, Boudelaa Sami
Laboratoire d'Informatique Mathématique Intelligence Artificielle et Reconnaissance des Formes (LIMIARF), Université Mohammed V - Agdal, Faculté des Sciences Rabat, Maroc.
Laboratoire CLLE-LTC (CNRS, UMR 5263), Université de Toulouse 2, Toulouse, France.
Int J Psychophysiol. 2015 Jan;95(1):46-55. doi: 10.1016/j.ijpsycho.2014.12.009. Epub 2014 Dec 17.
In the present experiment we used a semantic judgment task with Arabic words to determine whether semantic priming effects are found in the Arabic language. Moreover, we took advantage of the specificity of the Arabic orthographic system, which is characterized by a shallow (i.e., vowelled words) and a deep orthography (i.e., unvowelled words), to examine the relationship between orthographic and semantic processing. Results showed faster Reaction Times (RTs) for semantically related than unrelated words with no difference between vowelled and unvowelled words. By contrast, Event Related Potentials (ERPs) revealed larger N1 and N2 components to vowelled words than unvowelled words suggesting that visual-orthographic complexity taxes the early word processing stages. Moreover, semantically unrelated Arabic words elicited larger N400 components than related words thereby demonstrating N400 effects in Arabic. Finally, the Arabic N400 effect was not influenced by orthographic depth. The implications of these results for understanding the processing of orthographic, semantic, and morphological structures in Modern Standard Arabic are discussed.
在本实验中，我们使用了一个针对阿拉伯语单词的语义判断任务，以确定阿拉伯语中是否存在语义启动效应。此外，我们利用阿拉伯语拼写系统的特性，该系统具有浅拼写法（即有元音的单词）和深拼写法（即无元音的单词），来研究拼写和语义处理之间的关系。结果显示，语义相关单词的反应时间（RTs）比语义不相关单词更快，有元音和无元音的单词之间没有差异。相比之下，事件相关电位（ERPs）显示，有元音的单词比无元音的单词引发更大的N1和N2成分，这表明视觉拼写复杂性对早期单词处理阶段造成了负担。此外，语义不相关的阿拉伯语单词比相关单词引发更大的N400成分，从而证明了阿拉伯语中的N400效应。最后，阿拉伯语N400效应不受拼写深度的影响。本文讨论了这些结果对于理解现代标准阿拉伯语中拼写、语义和形态结构处理的意义。
