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德语中负极性和正极性项目加工差异的新颖ERP证据。

Novel ERP Evidence for Processing Differences Between Negative and Positive Polarity Items in German.

作者信息

Liu Mingya, König Peter, Mueller Jutta L

机构信息

Institute of Cognitive Science, Osnabrück University, Osnabrück, Germany.

Department of Neurophysiology and Pathophysiology, University Medical Center Hamburg-Eppendorf, Hamburg, Germany.

出版信息

Front Psychol. 2019 Mar 6;10:376. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00376. eCollection 2019.

Abstract

One unresolved question about polarity sensitivity in theoretical linguistics concerns whether and to what extent negative and positive polarity items are parallel. Using event-related brain potentials (ERPs), previous studies found N400 and/or P600 components for negative and positive polarity violations with inconsistent results. We report on an ERP study of German polarity items. Both negative and positive polarity violations elicited biphasic N400/P600 effects relative to correct polarity conditions. Furthermore, negative polarity violations elicited a P600-only effect relative to positive polarity violations. The lack of a graded N400 effect indicates that both kinds of violations involve similar semantic processing costs. We attribute the increase in P600 amplitude of negative polarity violations relative to positive polarity violations to their different nature: the former are syntactic anomalies triggering structural reanalysis, whereas the latter are pragmatic oddities inducing discourse reanalysis. We conclude that negative and positive polarity violations involve at least partly distinct mechanisms.

摘要

理论语言学中关于极性敏感性的一个未解决问题是,负极性项和正极性项是否以及在多大程度上是平行的。利用事件相关脑电位(ERP),先前的研究发现,负极性和正极性违反会引发N400和/或P600成分,但结果并不一致。我们报告了一项关于德语极性项的ERP研究。相对于正确的极性条件,负极性和正极性违反均引发了双相N400/P600效应。此外,相对于正极性违反,负极性违反引发了仅P600效应。缺乏分级的N400效应表明,两种违反都涉及相似的语义处理成本。我们将负极性违反相对于正极性违反时P600振幅的增加归因于它们的不同性质:前者是触发结构重新分析的句法异常,而后者是引发话语重新分析的语用怪异现象。我们得出结论,负极性和正极性违反至少部分涉及不同的机制。

https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/d6c0/6414433/37b8576a679a/fpsyg-10-00376-g001.jpg

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