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拉钱包:中国对非援助的政治偏好是否存在部门差异?

Pulling the purse strings: Are there sectoral differences in political preferencing of Chinese aid to Africa?

机构信息

Department of Health Sciences, William and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia, United States of America.

Duke Global Health Institute, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina, United States of America.

出版信息

PLoS One. 2020 Apr 22;15(4):e0232126. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0232126. eCollection 2020.

Abstract

OBJECTIVE

China is emerging as an increasingly important player in the global development space, but may be less bound to compacts that aim to curb political preferencing and therefore may produce less yield in terms of impact toward Sustainable Development Goals. This research tests the hypothesis that the disproportionate aid allocation to the birth regions of the current African political leaders that applies to some sectors more than others.

DESIGN

We applied a two-part model to first estimate the probability that a region receives an aid project. Then when at least one aid project is present in a leader's birth region, we estimated the mean amount of aid the region received.

SETTING

This analysis covers 699 subnational units (first administrative level) across 44 African countries over 2000-2014. These administrative units were compiled into a region year panel resulting in 10,485 observations.

RESULTS

Birth regions of the current political leader are significantly more likely than the average of all of the regions to receive education (1.3 percentage points), social infrastructure and services (1.2 percentage points), and energy aid (1.7 percentage points). No significant association was found between aid flows to the birth region of the current political leader in the agriculture, communication, education, government, health or transportation sectors. Within the education sector, the coefficients for birth region are positive in both parts and statistically significant. Both the probability of aid allocation and the amount of aid conditional on any projects increase in the birth region of the current political leader.

CONCLUSIONS

This sector-specific analysis provides a more nuanced picture of Chinese aid than previous analyses that determine the presence of political preference according to aggregate aid flows. The sectors where political preferencing exists are also those sectors that are typically associated with limited counterfactual-based program evaluation. We present evidence that demonstrates the importance of disaggregating aid flows in order to support a new policy framework designed to target the Sustainable Development Goals.

摘要

目的

中国作为全球发展领域日益重要的参与者,可能较少受到旨在遏制政治偏向的契约的约束,因此在实现可持续发展目标方面的影响力可能较小。本研究检验了这样一种假设,即在一些部门比其他部门更为明显的是,对现任非洲政治领导人出生地的援助分配不成比例。

设计

我们采用两部分模型,首先估计一个地区获得援助项目的概率。然后,当领导人出生地至少有一个援助项目时,我们估计该地区收到的援助金额的平均值。

设置

本分析涵盖 2000 年至 2014 年间 44 个非洲国家的 699 个次国家单位(第一行政级别)。这些行政单位被汇编成一个地区年度面板,共产生 10485 个观测值。

结果

现任政治领导人的出生地比所有地区获得教育(1.3 个百分点)、社会基础设施和服务(1.2 个百分点)和能源援助(1.7 个百分点)的可能性显著更高。在农业、通讯、教育、政府、卫生或交通部门,现任政治领导人出生地的援助流动与出生地区之间没有明显的关联。在教育部门,出生地区的系数在两部分均为正且具有统计学意义。现任政治领导人出生地的援助分配概率和有项目时的援助金额都在增加。

结论

这种针对特定部门的分析比以前根据总援助流量确定政治偏向存在的分析提供了更细致的中国援助情况。存在政治偏向的部门也是那些通常与有限的基于反事实的方案评估相关的部门。我们提供的证据表明,为了支持旨在实现可持续发展目标的新政策框架,必须对援助流动进行细分。

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