Graf Patricia
Department for Economic Psychology, BSP Business School Berlin, Berlin, Germany.
Front Sociol. 2020 Mar 20;5:17. doi: 10.3389/fsoc.2020.00017. eCollection 2020.
The article discusses two cases of gender policy making during the Chilean transition to democracy, the policy on domestic violence and the divorce law. By comparing the official discourses on these two policy projects we show that authoritarian gender regimes can resist transition to democracy despite a vivid civil society. The case of Chile was selected, on one hand, because it exhibits particularly resistant authoritarian institutional enclaves. On the other hand, Chilean women's movements are often cited as a paragon of women's movements in transitions. Despite the central role of Chilean women's movements as a strong civil society force conservative gender roles and institutions inherited from the autocratic regime (e.g., conservative divorce and reproductive rights) have remained dominant. I argue that during the time of transition conservative political actors, but also parts of civil society, negotiated on these gender roles and institutions and thereby reached a status quo. Recent cases of sexual violence in response to student's uprisings show that this status quo is quite stable and prevents a real coming to terms with state violence.
本文讨论了智利向民主过渡时期的两个性别政策制定案例，即家庭暴力政策和离婚法。通过比较官方对这两个政策项目的论述，我们表明，尽管公民社会活跃，但威权性别制度仍能抵制向民主的过渡。选择智利的案例，一方面是因为它展现出特别顽固的威权体制飞地。另一方面，智利妇女运动常被引为转型期妇女运动的典范。尽管智利妇女运动作为强大的公民社会力量发挥了核心作用，但从独裁政权继承而来的保守性别角色和制度（如保守的离婚和生殖权利）仍然占据主导地位。我认为，在过渡时期，保守的政治行为体以及部分公民社会就这些性别角色和制度进行了谈判，从而达成了一种现状。近期因学生起义而引发的性暴力事件表明，这种现状相当稳定，阻碍了与国家暴力的真正和解。
