Lowder Matthew W, Gordon Peter C
Department of Psychology, University of Richmond.
Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Cogn Sci. 2021 Sep;45(9):e13039. doi: 10.1111/cogs.13039.
Although a large literature demonstrates that object-extracted relative clauses (ORCs) are harder to process than subject-extracted relative clauses (SRCs), there is less agreement regarding where during processing this difficulty emerges, as well as how best to explain these effects. An eye-tracking study by Staub, Dillon, and Clifton (2017) demonstrated that readers experience more processing difficulty at the matrix verb for ORCs than for SRCs when the matrix verb immediately follows the relative clause (RC), but the difficulty is eliminated if a prepositional phrase (PP) intervenes. A careful examination of Staub et al.'s materials reveals that the types of PPs used in the experiment were a mixture of locative and temporal PPs. This is important in that locative PPs can modify either a noun phrase or a verb phrase (VP), whereas temporal PPs typically modify VPs, resulting in systematic differences in PP attachment across ORCs versus SRCs. In the current eye-tracking experiment, we systematically manipulated RC type and PP type in the same sentences used by Staub et al. The manipulation of PP type resulted in a crossover pattern at the matrix verb such that there was a trend for reading times to be longer for ORCs than SRCs when the PP was locative, but reading times were longer for SRCs than ORCs when the PP was temporal. These results provide important information regarding the locus of RC-processing effects and highlight the importance of carefully considering how intervening material might unintentionally alter the structure or the meaning of a sentence.
尽管大量文献表明,宾语提取关系从句(ORC)比主语提取关系从句(SRC)更难处理,但对于这种困难在处理过程中的出现位置,以及如何最好地解释这些影响,人们的共识较少。施陶布、狄龙和克利夫顿(2017年)的一项眼动追踪研究表明,当主句动词紧跟关系从句(RC)时,读者在处理ORC的主句动词时比处理SRC时遇到更多困难,但如果有介词短语(PP)介入,这种困难就会消除。仔细研究施陶布等人的材料后发现,实验中使用的PP类型是地点介词短语和时间介词短语的混合。这一点很重要,因为地点介词短语可以修饰名词短语或动词短语(VP),而时间介词短语通常修饰VP,这导致ORC和SRC在PP附着方面存在系统性差异。在当前的眼动追踪实验中,我们在施陶布等人使用的相同句子中系统地操纵了RC类型和PP类型。PP类型的操纵在主句动词处产生了一种交叉模式,即当PP是地点介词短语时,ORC的阅读时间往往比SRC长,但当PP是时间介词短语时,SRC的阅读时间比ORC长。这些结果提供了有关RC处理效应位置的重要信息,并突出了仔细考虑插入材料可能如何无意地改变句子结构或意义的重要性。