Gao Lingxi, Sun Bochi, Du Ziqing, Lv Guangming
School of Statistics, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, China.
Front Psychol. 2022 Apr 11;13:829707. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2022.829707. eCollection 2022.
Since Easterlin pointed out that economic growth in nations does not guarantee increasing happiness for the average citizen, the underlying reason has remained controversial. The present study focuses on income inequality to explain the "Easterlin Paradox," ignoring the permanent inequality that long-term wealth accumulation brings. Based on social comparison theory, the literature aims to determine how wealth inequality, which accompanies economic growth, diminishes one's happiness (inequality aversion). Specifically, we conduct this study in which we split the wealth inequality into the upward wealth inequality and the downward wealth inequality as measures of upward comparison and downward comparison, respectively. The upward wealth inequality measures the average gap between one and the better-off in wealth while the downward wealth inequality measures the average gap between one and the worse-off in wealth. Furthermore, the heterogeneity of the area of respondent is analyzed and the family life cycle is tested as a moderator. The main findings of the paper are as follows: (1) The empirical test results of hypothesis 1 indicate that the upward wealth inequality aversion (jealousy effect: people envy who is richer than themselves) is stronger than the downward wealth inequality inclination (proud effect: people enjoy having a superior position in the wealth hierarchy). It is due to the psychological preference: loss aversion. As an increase in upward distance implies a loss in relative status and an increase in downward distance implies a gain in relative status, people focus more on loss rather than gain. (2) The empirical test results of hypothesis 2 indicate that residents who live in rural areas do not have a proud effect as much as those who live in urban areas. There is a huge urban-rural wealth gap in China. With the expansion of the social network, people living in rural areas realize that even he is almost the rich in rural areas but still the lower classes in the whole society. It is hard for rural residents to have a proud effect. (3) The empirical test results of hypothesis 3 indicate that family members have the strongest upward inequality aversion in the middle-stage phase of the life cycle (when the family head is approximately 50). During the family life cycle, inequality aversion will be different in different life stages due to the changes in economic status expectations. At the beginning of the family life cycle, family members assume their life has limitless possibilities, and they have high expectations for the future. Logically, they can be easily satisfied by achieving a little more than their peers. In later periods, with increasing age, the members will pay more attention to health instead of wealth. The results shed light on how macroeconomics influence changes in individual psychology.
自伊斯特林指出国家经济增长并不能保证普通公民的幸福感增加以来,其背后的原因一直存在争议。本研究聚焦于收入不平等来解释“伊斯特林悖论”,却忽略了长期财富积累所带来的永久性不平等。基于社会比较理论,该文献旨在确定经济增长过程中伴随的财富不平等如何降低一个人的幸福感(不平等厌恶)。具体而言,我们开展了本研究,将财富不平等分别细分为向上财富不平等和向下财富不平等,以此作为向上比较和向下比较的衡量指标。向上财富不平等衡量的是一个人与较富裕者在财富方面的平均差距,而向下财富不平等衡量的是一个人与较贫困者在财富方面的平均差距。此外,我们还分析了受访者所在地区的异质性,并将家庭生命周期作为调节变量进行了检验。论文的主要研究结果如下:(1)假设1的实证检验结果表明,向上财富不平等厌恶(嫉妒效应:人们嫉妒比自己富有的人)强于向下财富不平等倾向(自豪效应:人们享受在财富等级中处于优越地位)。这是由于心理偏好:损失厌恶。因为向上距离的增加意味着相对地位的损失,而向下距离的增加意味着相对地位的获得,所以人们更关注损失而非收益。(2)假设2的实证检验结果表明,农村地区居民的自豪效应不如城市地区居民明显。在中国,城乡财富差距巨大。随着社会网络的扩大,农村居民意识到即使自己在农村几乎算是富人,但在整个社会中仍处于较低阶层。农村居民很难产生自豪效应。(3)假设3的实证检验结果表明,家庭成员在生命周期的中期阶段(当家户主大约50岁时)对向上不平等的厌恶最为强烈。在家庭生命周期中,由于经济地位期望的变化,不同生活阶段的不平等厌恶会有所不同。在家庭生命周期开始时,家庭成员认为他们的生活有无限可能,对未来有很高期望。从逻辑上讲,他们很容易因比同龄人多取得一点成就而感到满足。在后期,随着年龄增长,家庭成员会更关注健康而非财富。这些结果揭示了宏观经济学如何影响个体心理的变化。