Tordjman S
Pôle hospitalo-universitaire de psychiatrie de l'enfant et de l'adolescent (PHUPEA), centre hospitalier Guillaume-Régnier, Université de Rennes 1, 35000 Rennes, France; Integrative Neuroscience and Cognition Center (INCC), CNRS UMR 8002, University of Paris Cité, Paris, France.
Encephale. 2022 Sep;48 Suppl 1:S19-S29. doi: 10.1016/j.encep.2022.08.002. Epub 2022 Sep 2.
The prevalence of school bullying (a deliberate, repeated act of verbal, physical or relational/social aggression occurring in a situation of inequality, including cyberbullying) is high in France (10 %) as well as in other countries like the United States (more than 40 % of school children have experienced harassment at some point in their school cursus). This frequency varies by country, source of observation, school, class, and age of children. Self-questionnaires where children have to self-identify as harassing or being harassed involve a clear bias of underevaluation (even for harassed children who can feel ashamed to report explicitly harassment). The method of peer nomination of who, according to each child, has harassed or has been harassed in recent months out of all children in a class, based on mean results, is the most objective method. However, it depends on the participation rate and is not easy to implement, as some professionals consider it to be based on a denunciatory system. The fight against school bullying is a priority with regard to its possible psychological, physical and educational effects on the harassed child/adolescent, but also on the harassing child/adolescent and the spectators. In addition, the consequences of harassment are amplified in our societies by social networks with the use of SMS and Internet on mobile phones and computers. The feeling of being pursued, not only by the harassing youth but also in the eyes of the spectators is no longer limited today to the walls of the school but is also found in other environments where the harassed child/adolescent could previously recuperate from harassement (home, places of extracurricular activity, etc.). Combating school bullying requires breaking the silence and understanding its mechanisms by questioning the roles and functions of all the actors. Bullying appears to be a question of place, a place to show leadership and power but also to gain popularity for the harassing child/adolescent, a place to maintain in the group for the spectators, and a place to defend or to be established for the harassed youth. The presence of spectators, essential to the existence and maintenance of school bullying, distinguishes it from abuse; without spectators, the show cannot take place. There are indeed various actors in harassment, all of them having a major role (roles of stalker, harassed and spectator), and without which the group dynamic could not continue. It opens new perspectives of intervention based on collective responsibility but also individual responsibility, knowing that if only one spectator opposes him/herself to school bullying, harassment can stop. A part focused on each of these protagonists is presented and discussed in this article. However, there is no typology that could be reported here regarding the harassed person, the harassing one or the spectator. A model linking the various protagonists of harassment is presented and proposes that interventions take place simultaneously on these different levels, by focusing on each actor separately but also jointly in the group concerned by school bullying using discussion and role-playing. This work focuses on the ability of cognitive empathy (ability to understand the emotions of others), apparently preserved even in harassing children, and more precisely on the transition from cognitive empathy to emotional empathy (ability to experience the emotions that others feel by putting oneself in their place). If one of the fundamentals of harassment relies on an issue of place, as hypothesized, role-playing and simulation games that consist of "putting oneself in the place of the other" can be powerful mobilizers to combat harassment by allowing a change in points of view, perspectives, positions, relational modalities and behaviors. It is also important to extend interventions to larger groups representing institutions (family, school, society) with their systems of rules and laws that guarantee ethics and protect the individual within institutions. Finally, it is necessary to be aware of the possible risk of antiharassment measures, to create or reinforce an identity of harasser, harassed and/or spectator. For this reason, neither the harassed child/adolescent is designated in this article as "the victim", nor the harassing child/adolescent as "the author". The substantives (and not adjectives), the victim and the author, suggest the existence of a permanent identity persisting even outside the context of harassment and defining the individual. Similarly, the proposal of a specialized consultation in psychology and child psychiatry for harassed or harassing children/adolescents does not seem appropriate with regard to this identity issue. This underlines the importance of antibullying interventions to help build spaces for thinking where all individuals can express their feelings and experience the feelings of others, in a secure framework based on human values and clear rules, respected both at an individual and collective level, and supported by fair institutions.
校园霸凌(指在不平等情境下蓄意、反复实施的言语、身体或关系/社交攻击行为,包括网络霸凌)在法国的发生率很高(达10%),在美国等其他国家也是如此(超过40%的学童在其学业生涯中的某个阶段曾遭受过骚扰)。这种发生率因国家、观察来源、学校、班级以及儿童年龄的不同而有所差异。儿童自我报告是否遭受霸凌的问卷调查存在明显的低估偏差(即使对于那些因感到羞耻而不愿明确报告遭受霸凌的儿童也是如此)。基于平均结果,让每个孩子提名班级中最近几个月谁对他人实施了霸凌或遭受了霸凌的同伴提名法是最客观的方法。然而,它取决于参与率且不易实施,因为一些专业人士认为这是基于一种检举制度。鉴于校园霸凌可能对受霸凌的儿童/青少年产生心理、身体和教育方面的影响,同时也会影响霸凌者及旁观者,因此打击校园霸凌是一项优先任务。此外,在我们的社会中,社交网络通过手机和电脑上的短信及互联网放大了霸凌的后果。如今,受霸凌者不仅会感觉被霸凌者纠缠,而且在旁观者眼中也是如此,这种被纠缠的感觉不再局限于校园围墙之内,在受霸凌儿童/青少年以前能够从霸凌中恢复过来的其他环境(如家中、课外活动场所等)也能感受到。打击校园霸凌需要打破沉默,并通过审视所有参与者的角色和功能来了解其机制。霸凌似乎是一个场所问题,一个展示领导力和权力的场所,也是霸凌儿童/青少年获得人气的场所,是旁观者在群体中维持自身地位的场所,以及受霸凌青少年捍卫自身或确立自身地位的场所。旁观者的存在对于校园霸凌的存在和维持至关重要,这使其有别于虐待行为;没有旁观者,这场“表演”就无法进行。霸凌行为中确实存在各种参与者,他们都起着重要作用(霸凌者、受霸凌者和旁观者的角色),没有这些角色,群体动态就无法持续。这开启了基于集体责任和个人责任的新干预视角,因为我们知道,只要有一名旁观者反对校园霸凌,霸凌行为就可能停止。本文将针对这些主角中的每一个部分进行阐述和讨论。然而,这里并没有关于受霸凌者、霸凌者或旁观者的类型划分。本文提出了一个将霸凌行为的各种主角联系起来的模型,并建议通过分别关注每个参与者,但同时也在受校园霸凌影响的群体中共同关注,利用讨论和角色扮演在这些不同层面上同时进行干预。这项工作聚焦于认知同理心(理解他人情绪的能力),即使在霸凌儿童中这种能力似乎也得以保留,更确切地说是关注从认知同理心向情感同理心(通过设身处地为他人着想而体验他人感受的能力)的转变。如果如假设的那样,霸凌的一个基本要素依赖于场所问题,那么由“设身处地为他人着想”组成的角色扮演和模拟游戏可以成为强大的动员手段,通过改变观点、视角、立场、关系模式和行为来打击霸凌。同样重要的是,将干预扩展到代表机构(家庭、学校、社会)的更大群体,这些机构有着保障道德规范并在机构内保护个人的规则和法律体系。最后,必须意识到反霸凌措施可能带来的风险,即形成或强化霸凌者、受霸凌者和/或旁观者的身份认同。因此,在本文中,受霸凌的儿童/青少年既不被称为“受害者”,霸凌儿童/青少年也不被称为“施害者”。“受害者”和“施害者”这两个实词(而非形容词)意味着即使在霸凌情境之外也存在一种永久身份,并定义了个体。同样,针对受霸凌或实施霸凌的儿童/青少年提供专门的心理和儿童精神病学咨询的提议,就身份认同问题而言似乎并不合适。这凸显了反霸凌干预措施的重要性,即帮助建立思考空间,让所有个体能够在基于人类价值观和明确规则、在个人和集体层面都得到尊重且有公平机构支持的安全框架内表达自己的感受并体验他人的感受。