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极度失衡:患者与精神病学之间的利益分歧和权力差异。

Extremely unbalanced: interest divergence and power disparities between clients and psychiatry.

作者信息

McCubbin M, Cohen D

机构信息

Groupe de recherche sur les aspects sociaux de la sante et de la prevention (GRASP), Universite de Montreal, Quebec, Canada.

出版信息

Int J Law Psychiatry. 1996 Winter;19(1):1-25. doi: 10.1016/0160-2527(95)00028-3.

Abstract

We have tried to show, first, that there exists a wide divergence between the interests of psychiatry and clients: none of the three major models underpinning society's trust in psychiatrists justify confidence that the interests of psychiatry and its clients converge enough to warrant psychiatrists' speaking and acting for clients in the development of the mental health system and its policies. Second, the distribution of power between psychiatrists and clients is highly unequal: the voices of clients have been co-opted or submerged by those of other groups, particularly organized psychiatry and family-dominated advocacy organizations. Our argument is not based on any particular conception of what the "needs" of clients are--we have not claimed to know what they are, nor, indeed, that they are determinable. However, our point is that the mental health system remains with no good theory to support a proposition that needs will be met, leaving no basis upon which to evaluate the system's success. Therefore, insofar as the "purpose" of this system is to meet client needs, we consider the system to be irrational. The numbers of clients and their presumed intensity of interest in mental health policy should have guaranteed them a place of importance in the political processes shaping the mental health system. There are several structural reasons why this has not been the case: client passivity due to the medical model therapeutic context; hesitancy to engage in public action due to the enduring stigma of mental illness; incapacities caused by psychological distress as well as by iatrogenic dysfunction; organizational weakness due to the free-rider problem of voluntary client groups compared with the ability of psychiatry to encourage contributions to its lobbying efforts; marked client disadvantages in obtaining external funding. If we judge one of the positive features of a liberal democracy to be its stability (in that individuals and groups do not need to resort to violence in order to get a fair allocation of society's goods and costs), we need to be watchful. A political system that systematically disadvantages significant segments of society risks alienating them. While such a situation may (temporarily) benefit a small powerful minority, society as a whole will suffer. Goodwin (1989, p. 47) noted that "over the post-war period the state has consistently sought to recognize greater levels of mental illness in the community."

摘要

我们试图首先表明,精神病学的利益与服务对象的利益之间存在巨大差异:支撑社会对精神科医生信任的三种主要模式,没有一种能让人相信精神病学及其服务对象的利益有足够的趋同,从而保证精神科医生在心理健康系统及其政策的制定中为服务对象发声和行事。其次,精神科医生与服务对象之间的权力分配极不平等:服务对象的声音被其他群体,特别是有组织的精神病学团体和以家庭为主导的倡导组织所吸纳或淹没。我们的论点并非基于对服务对象“需求”的任何特定概念——我们并未声称知道他们的需求是什么,事实上也未声称这些需求是可确定的。然而,我们的观点是,心理健康系统仍然缺乏一个好的理论来支持需求将会得到满足这一命题,从而没有依据来评估该系统的成功与否。因此,就这个系统的“目的”是满足服务对象需求而言,我们认为这个系统是不合理的。服务对象的数量以及他们对心理健康政策假定的强烈兴趣,本应保证他们在塑造心理健康系统的政治进程中占据重要地位。但情况并非如此,有几个结构性原因:由于医学模式治疗背景导致服务对象被动;由于精神疾病长期存在的污名而不愿参与公共行动;心理困扰以及医源性功能障碍造成的能力不足;与精神病学鼓励为其游说努力做出贡献的能力相比,自愿性服务对象团体存在搭便车问题导致组织薄弱;服务对象在获得外部资金方面明显处于劣势。如果我们将自由民主的一个积极特征判定为其稳定性(即个人和群体无需诉诸暴力就能公平分配社会的利益和成本),那我们就需要保持警惕。一个系统性地使社会中相当一部分人处于不利地位的政治制度,有疏远他们的风险。虽然这种情况可能(暂时)使一小部分有权势的少数群体受益,但整个社会将遭受损失。古德温(1989年,第47页)指出:“在战后时期,国家一直试图承认社区中精神疾病的更高发病率。”

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