Boudelaa Sami, Marslen-Wilson William D
MRC Cognition and Brain Sciences Unit, 15 Chaucer Road, Cambridge CB2 2EF, UK.
Brain Lang. 2004 Jul-Sep;90(1-3):106-16. doi: 10.1016/S0093-934X(03)00424-3.
This study probes the effects of allomorphy on access to Arabic roots and word patterns in two cross-modal priming experiments. Experiment 1 used strong roots which undergo no allomorphy, and weak roots which undergo allomorphy and surface with only two of their three consonants in some derivations. Word pairs sharing a root morpheme prime each other reliably not only when the root was strong (e.g., [see text] participant/participate), but also when it was weak (e.g., [see text] agreement-agree, where the weak root [wfq] surfaces fully in the target but not the prime). This facilitation occurred even when the weak root surfaced with different semantic meanings across prime and target (e.g., [see text] destination/confront). Experiment 2 assessed the effects of allomorphy on word pattern processing, comparing word pairs where the word pattern is transparently realised in both prime and target (e.g., [see text] spread/bear], with pairs which share the same underlying word pattern but where a weak root triggers an assimilation process in the prime (e.g., [see text] unite/smile). This assimilation process does not disrupt the CV-structure of the word pattern, in contrast to a third condition where this is disrupted in both prime and target (e.g., [see text] turn around/say). Strong priming effects were observed in the first two conditions but not in the third. The bearing of these findings on models of lexical processing and representation is discussed.
本研究在两个跨模态启动实验中探究了词素变体对阿拉伯语词根及词型通达的影响。实验1使用了不会发生词素变体的强词根,以及会发生词素变体且在某些派生词中仅以三个辅音中的两个出现的弱词根。共享词根语素的词对不仅在词根为强词根时(例如,[见文本] participant/participate)能可靠地相互启动,在词根为弱词根时(例如,[见文本] agreement-agree,其中弱词根[wfq]在目标词中完整出现但在启动词中未完整出现)也能如此。即便弱词根在启动词和目标词中呈现出不同的语义时(例如,[见文本] destination/confront),这种促进作用依然会出现。实验2评估了词素变体对词型加工的影响,比较了词型在启动词和目标词中都能清晰体现的词对(例如,[见文本] spread/bear]),以及共享相同底层词型但弱词根在启动词中引发同化过程的词对(例如,[见文本] unite/smile)。与第三种情况(即词型在启动词和目标词中都被破坏,例如,[见文本] turn around/say)不同,这种同化过程不会破坏词型的CV结构。在前两种情况下观察到了强烈的启动效应,而在第三种情况下则未观察到。本文讨论了这些发现对词汇加工和表征模型的意义。