Lundberg Anna
Centrum för befolkningsstudier Umeå universitet, 901 87 Umeå universitet.
Sven Med Tidskr. 2006;10(1):125-44.
This paper shows how Lex Veneris was structured around a consensual agreement between the GP, the patient and the authorities involved. Responsibility for this legislation was shared by the National Board of Medicine, the Contagious Diseases Officer and the country's local GPs. Most cases caused no problems, with the patient consenting to provide information concerning their partner and agreeing to follow the recommended medical treatment. Nevertheless, the paper could also conclude that the legislation was put into practice with a certain degree of arbitrariness. This arbitrariness clearly created voids where certain patients did not fit in, such as patients who did not understand the importance of complying with the instructions given by their GP or simply did not want to. These patients were then followed up. Moreover, a larger proportion of women reported as sources of infection or medical treatment dissenters in Stockholm were taken in for examination and compulsory medical care. A smaller proportion of the men were subjected to compulsory medical examination and care. The paper also looked at those who failed to comply with doctors' orders. Who ignored the GPs and decided to choose for themselves? The qualitative material stored with the Lex Veneris ledgers in the Swedish archives provides a wide-ranging picture. This paper has used some of this information to shed light on how the legislation was put into practice. The qualitative material reveals the most about the cases in which the police and local health boards were involved in trying to bring dissenters back into medical care. The police searched for numerous young men and women. Families, former lovers and employers were often questioned in order to find the recalcitrant. This work was given high priority status by the police and was painstakingly carried out, with the police locating most patients within a couple of days. It is obvious that Swedish society tried hard and committed itself to rooting out these diseases. Extensive, costly legislation was put into place in 1919 and remained unchanged until 1966. Swedish physicians stood by the idea that compulsory contact tracing and mandatory medical treatment was the way to get to grips with venereal diseases. Lex Veneris was part and parcel of the creation of a social citizenship. This citizenship came at a high price for those who chose or happened to find themselves on the on the wrong side of the law.
本文展示了《维纳斯法》是如何围绕全科医生、患者及相关当局之间的共识协议构建的。该立法的责任由国家医学委员会、传染病官员和该国当地的全科医生共同承担。大多数情况没有问题，患者同意提供有关其伴侣的信息，并同意遵循推荐的治疗方案。然而，本文也可以得出结论，该立法在实施过程中存在一定程度的随意性。这种随意性显然造成了一些漏洞，某些患者并不适用，比如那些不理解遵守全科医生指示重要性的患者，或者就是不想遵守的患者。然后对这些患者进行了随访。此外，在斯德哥尔摩，被报告为感染源或医疗反对者的女性中，有较大比例被带去检查并接受强制医疗。接受强制医学检查和治疗的男性比例较小。本文还研究了那些不遵守医嘱的人。那些无视全科医生并自行其是的人是谁？瑞典档案馆中与《维纳斯法》分类账一起保存的定性资料提供了一幅广泛的图景。本文利用了其中一些信息来阐明该立法是如何实施的。定性资料最能揭示警方和地方卫生委员会试图让反对者重新接受医疗护理的案例。警方搜寻了许多年轻男女。为了找到拒不服从的人，经常会询问其家人、前恋人及雇主。这项工作被警方列为高度优先事项，并认真开展，警方在几天内就找到了大多数患者。很明显，瑞典社会努力并致力于根除这些疾病。1919年出台了广泛且昂贵的立法，直到1966年都未改变。瑞典医生坚持认为，强制接触者追踪和强制医疗是控制性病的方法。《维纳斯法》是社会公民身份创建的重要组成部分。对于那些选择或碰巧发现自己违法的人来说，这种公民身份代价高昂。
