Paulmann Silke, Kotz Sonja A
Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sciences, Neuropsychology of Language, P.O. Box 500 355, 04303 Leipzig, Germany.
Brain Lang. 2008 Apr;105(1):59-69. doi: 10.1016/j.bandl.2007.11.005. Epub 2008 Jan 3.
Previous evidence supports differential event-related brain potential (ERP) responses for emotional prosodic processing and integrative emotional prosodic/semantic processing. While latter process elicits a negativity similar to the well-known N400 component, transitions in emotional prosodic processing elicit a positivity. To further substantiate this evidence, the current investigation utilized lexical-sentences and sentences without lexical content (pseudo-sentences) spoken in six basic emotions by a female and a male speaker. Results indicate that emotional prosodic expectancy violations elicit a right-lateralized positive-going ERP component independent of basic emotional prosodies and speaker voice. In addition, expectancy violations of integrative emotional prosody/semantics elicit a negativity with a whole-head distribution. The current results nicely complement previous evidence, and extend the results by showing the respective effects for a wider range of emotional prosodies independent of lexical content and speaker voice.
先前的证据支持在情绪韵律加工以及整合性情绪韵律/语义加工过程中,事件相关脑电位(ERP)反应存在差异。虽然后一过程会引发一种类似于广为人知的N400成分的负波,但情绪韵律加工中的转换会引发一种正波。为了进一步证实这一证据,当前的研究使用了由一名男性和一名女性说话者以六种基本情绪说出的词汇句和无词汇内容的句子(伪句子)。结果表明,情绪韵律预期违背会引发一个右侧化的正向ERP成分,该成分与基本情绪韵律和说话者声音无关。此外,整合性情绪韵律/语义的预期违背会引发一种全脑分布的负波。当前的结果很好地补充了先前的证据,并通过展示在更广泛的情绪韵律中独立于词汇内容和说话者声音的各自效应,扩展了研究结果。