Department of Cognitive Science, University of California-San Diego, 9500 Gilman Drive, La Jolla, CA 92093, USA.
Brain Lang. 2010 Jun;113(3):149-55. doi: 10.1016/j.bandl.2010.02.003. Epub 2010 Mar 19.
Historically, language researchers have assumed that lexical, or word-level processing is fast and automatic, while slower, more controlled post-lexical processes are sensitive to contextual information from higher levels of linguistic analysis. Here we demonstrate the impact of sentence context on the processing of words not available for conscious report by recording ERPs as sentences ended congruously or incongruously. Sentence final words were either masked to prevent their conscious identification, or were unmasked. For both masked and unmasked words, congruous completions elicited less negative ERPs than incongruous ones between 300 and 500ms after word onset (N400). Relative to the unmasked words, congruity effects in masked words were much smaller, began slightly later, and displayed a more anterior distribution. Results suggest contextual priming effects indexed by the N400 component reflect both automatic and controlled processes. Data are interpreted as suggesting a link between the neural generators of the N400 and conceptual short-term memory, a dynamic process for conceptual activation and structuring that is triggered by perceptual input.
从历史上看,语言研究人员假设词汇(或单词)层面的处理速度快且自动,而较慢、更受控制的词后处理则对来自语言分析较高层次的上下文信息敏感。在这里,我们通过记录句子结束时一致或不一致时的 ERP 来证明句子上下文对无法进行有意识报告的单词的处理的影响。句子末尾的单词要么被屏蔽以防止其被有意识地识别,要么不被屏蔽。对于屏蔽和未屏蔽的单词,在单词起始后 300 到 500 毫秒之间,一致的完成比不一致的完成引起的负 ERP 更小(N400)。与未屏蔽的单词相比,屏蔽单词中的一致性效应小得多,开始时间稍晚,并且显示出更靠前的分布。结果表明,N400 成分索引的上下文启动效应反映了自动和受控过程。数据解释为表明 N400 的神经发生器与概念短期记忆之间存在联系,这是一个由感知输入触发的概念激活和结构化的动态过程。