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词汇与句子加工中的概念预测:额部正成分和 N400 脑电成分。

Lexical versus conceptual anticipation during sentence processing: frontal positivity and N400 ERP components.

机构信息

Department of Psychology, Science IV, Binghamton University, State University of New York, Binghamton, NY 13905, United States.

出版信息

Int J Psychophysiol. 2012 Mar;83(3):382-92. doi: 10.1016/j.ijpsycho.2011.12.007. Epub 2012 Jan 3.

Abstract

Although the sensitivity of the N400 to semantic processing is well established, late positive ERP components are also elicited during sentence comprehension. We suggest that there are multiple such components differing in scalp topography, and that a larger frontal positivity often follows the larger N400 elicited by congruent but unexpected sentence endings as compared to predictable endings. We evaluated the lexical versus conceptual specificity of this post-N400-positivity. High- and low-constraint sentences were completed by the words most preferred by a normative group (best completions), by words that were nearly synonymous to those best completions, and by other congruent words that were semantically dissimilar to the best completions. The N400 was sensitive to both the predictability (cloze probability) of the words and their semantic similarity to the best completion, consistent with a sensitivity to conceptual expectations that could be fulfilled by alternate words. In contrast, an anterior positivity was elicited by all final words that were not highly predictable, independent of whether they were semantically similar or dissimilar to the most preferred word, indicating a sensitivity to specific lexical expectations.

摘要

虽然 N400 对语义处理的敏感性已经得到很好的证实,但在句子理解过程中也会引发晚期正成分。我们建议存在多个具有不同头皮分布的此类成分,并且与可预测的结尾相比,一致但出乎意料的句子结尾会引起更大的 N400,通常会随之产生更大的额正性。我们评估了这种 N400 后正性的词汇与概念特异性。高约束和低约束句子由规范组最偏好的单词(最佳完成词)、与最佳完成词几乎同义的单词以及与最佳完成词语义上不相似的其他一致单词来完成。N400 对单词的可预测性( cloze 概率)和它们与最佳完成词的语义相似性都很敏感,这与对可以通过其他单词来实现的概念期望的敏感性一致。相比之下,所有不可预测的最终单词都会引起额前正性,而与它们与最优选单词的语义相似性无关,表明对特定词汇期望的敏感性。

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