Emeritus of Sociology, University of Versailles-Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, Vauban, Guyancourt, France.
Third World Q. 2010;31(6):1007-21. doi: 10.1080/01436597.2010.502735.
The historical prestige of the Polish Catholic Church is the result of its presence as a national symbol of resistance, both under foreign occupation and during the communist regime. In the post-communist era the power of the Church within the political arena has significantly increased, through the Concordat that was signed with the state as well as through formal and informal ties with political parties. Catholicism is the de facto religion of the state, even if Poland remains a nominally secular country. This was illustrated by the adoption, in 1993, of a total abortion ban. Although the relation of Poles to the Catholic dogma on sexuality and reproductive rights tends to be weak, fearing criticism from Church authorities, most politicians avoid controversial topics and express their commitment to Catholic dogma. Thus women's groups have encountered serious difficulties in their efforts to defend women's rights to sexual and reproductive autonomy. Although accession to the European Union has put Poland in an awkward position with respect to equality of rights between women and men, it has not fundamentally altered the real situation with respect to the controversial topic of abortion.
波兰天主教会的历史威望是其作为抵抗外国占领和共产主义政权的民族象征的结果。在后共产主义时代，教会通过与国家签署的协议以及与政党的正式和非正式联系，在政治舞台上的权力显著增强。天主教是国家事实上的宗教，即使波兰仍然是名义上的世俗国家。这一点在 1993 年通过全面禁止堕胎的法案中得到了体现。尽管波兰人对天主教关于性和生殖权利的教义的态度往往很薄弱，因为他们担心教会当局的批评，但大多数政治家都避免涉及有争议的话题，并表达对天主教教义的承诺。因此，妇女团体在捍卫妇女的性和生殖自主权方面遇到了严重的困难。尽管加入欧盟使波兰在男女平等权利方面陷入尴尬境地，但这并没有从根本上改变堕胎这一有争议话题的实际情况。
