Loncke Maaike, Van Laere Sébastien M J, Desmet Timothy
Department of Experimental Psychology, Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium.
Exp Psychol. 2011;58(3):227-34. doi: 10.1027/1618-3169/a000089.
In this paper we show that attachment height (high vs. low attachment) of a modifier to a complex noun phrase (CNP; e.g., "the servant of the actress"), can be primed between dissimilar syntactic structures. In a sentence completion experiment, we found that the attachment height of a prepositional phrase (PP) in the prime sentence primed the attachment height of a relative clause (RC) in the target sentence. This cross-structural priming effect cannot be explained in terms of the priming of specific phrase-structure rules or even sequences of specific phrase-structure rules (Scheepers, 2003), because the attachment of a PP to a CNP is generated by a different phrase-structure rule than the attachment of an RC. However, the present data suggest that the location at which the RC is attached to the CNP is mentally represented, independent of the specific phrase-structure rule that is attached, or by extension, that the abstract hierarchical configuration of the full CNP and the attached RC is represented (Desmet & Declercq, 2006). This is the first demonstration of a cross-structural priming effect that cannot be captured by phrase-structure rules.
在本文中,我们表明修饰语与复杂名词短语(如“女演员的仆人”)的附着高度(高附着与低附着)可在不同的句法结构之间被启动。在一个句子完成实验中,我们发现启动句中介词短语(PP)的附着高度启动了目标句中关系从句(RC)的附着高度。这种跨结构启动效应无法用特定短语结构规则甚至特定短语结构规则序列的启动来解释(谢泼斯,2003),因为PP附着到CNP是由与RC附着不同的短语结构规则生成的。然而,目前的数据表明,RC附着到CNP的位置在心理上是有表征的,独立于所附着的特定短语结构规则,或者更广泛地说,完整CNP和附着RC的抽象层次结构是有表征的(德梅特和德克莱尔克,2006)。这是首次证明一种无法用短语结构规则捕捉的跨结构启动效应。