Department of Anthropology, Stanford University, 450 Serra Mall, Stanford, CA 94305, USA.
Hum Nat. 2011 Jul;22(1-2):128-38. doi: 10.1007/s12110-011-9109-5.
When we have asked Hadza whether married couples should live with the family of the wife (uxorilocally) or the family of the husband (virilocally), we are often told that young couples should spend the first years of a marriage living with the wife's family, and then later, after a few children have been born, the couple has more freedom--they can continue to reside with the wife's kin, or else they could join the husband's kin, or perhaps live in a camp where there are no close kin. In this paper, we address why shifts in kin coresidence patterns may arise in the later years of a marriage, after the birth of children. To do so, we model the inclusive fitness costs that wives might experience from leaving their own kin and joining their husband's kin as a function of the number of children in their nuclear family. Our model suggests that such shifts should become less costly to wives as their families grow. This simple model may help explain some of the dynamics of postmarital residence among the Hadza and offer insight into the dynamics of multilocal residence, the most prevalent form of postmarital residence among foragers.
当我们询问哈扎人，已婚夫妇应该与妻子的家庭（妻方居住）还是丈夫的家庭（夫方居住）一起生活时，我们经常被告知，年轻夫妇在婚姻的头几年应该与妻子的家庭一起生活，然后在生育了几个孩子之后，夫妻会有更多的自由——他们可以继续与妻子的亲属居住，或者与丈夫的亲属居住，或者居住在没有近亲的营地。在本文中，我们探讨了为什么在婚后生育孩子后的后期，亲属核心居住模式可能会发生变化。为此，我们将妻子离开自己的亲属并加入丈夫的亲属所带来的适合度成本建模为其核心家庭中孩子数量的函数。我们的模型表明，随着家庭的成长，这种转变对妻子来说成本应该会降低。这个简单的模型可以帮助解释哈扎人中婚后居住模式的一些动态，并深入了解多地点居住的动态，这是觅食者中最普遍的婚后居住形式。
