Paczynski Martin, Jackendoff Ray, Kuperberg Gina
Tufts University.
J Cogn Neurosci. 2014 Sep;26(9):1905-17. doi: 10.1162/jocn_a_00638. Epub 2014 Apr 4.
The verb "pounce" describes a single, near-instantaneous event. Yet, we easily understand that, "For several minutes the cat pounced…" describes a situation in which multiple pounces occurred, although this interpretation is not overtly specified by the sentence's syntactic structure or by any of its individual words--a phenomenon known as "aspectual coercion." Previous psycholinguistic studies have reported processing costs in association with aspectual coercion, but the neurocognitive mechanisms giving rise to these costs remain contentious. Additionally, there is some controversy about whether readers commit to a full interpretation of the event when the aspectual information becomes available, or whether they leave it temporarily underspecified until later in the sentence. Using ERPs, we addressed these questions in a design that fully crossed context type (punctive, durative, frequentative) with verb type (punctive, durative). We found a late, sustained negativity to punctive verbs in durative contexts, but not in frequentative (e.g., explicitly iterative) contexts. This effect was distinct from the N400 in both its time course and scalp distribution, suggesting that it reflected a different underlying neurocognitive mechanism. We also found that ERPs to durative verbs were unaffected by context type. Together, our results provide strong evidence that neural activity associated with aspectual coercion is driven by the engagement of a morphosyntactically unrealized semantic operator rather than by violations of real-world knowledge, more general shifts in event representation, or event iterativity itself. More generally, our results add to a growing body of evidence that a set of late-onset sustained negativities reflect elaborative semantic processing that goes beyond simply combining the meaning of individual words with syntactic structure to arrive at a final representation of meaning.
动词“猛扑”描述的是一个单一的、近乎瞬间发生的事件。然而,我们很容易理解“这只猫猛扑了好几分钟……”描述的是多次猛扑的情况,尽管这种解释并没有在句子的句法结构或任何单个单词中明确给出——这一现象被称为“体貌强制”。先前的心理语言学研究报告了与体貌强制相关的加工成本,但产生这些成本的神经认知机制仍存在争议。此外,对于读者在体貌信息可用时是否会对事件进行完整的解释,或者他们是否会暂时不明确解释,直到句子后面部分,也存在一些争议。我们使用事件相关电位(ERP),通过一种将语境类型(瞬间性、持续性、重复性)与动词类型(瞬间性、持续性)完全交叉的设计来解决这些问题。我们发现在持续性语境中,对于瞬间性动词会出现一个晚期的、持续的负波,但在重复性(例如明确的迭代性)语境中则不会。这种效应在时间进程和头皮分布上都与N400不同,这表明它反映了一种不同的潜在神经认知机制。我们还发现,持续性动词的ERP不受语境类型的影响。总之,我们的结果提供了强有力的证据,表明与体貌强制相关的神经活动是由一个形态句法上未实现的语义算子的参与驱动的,而不是由违反现实世界知识、事件表征的更一般变化或事件迭代本身驱动的。更一般地说,我们的结果进一步证明了越来越多的证据表明,一组晚期出现的持续负波反映了精细的语义加工,这种加工不仅仅是简单地将单个单词的意义与句法结构相结合以得出最终的意义表征。