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这场斗争应该叫什么?反恐的隐喻及其影响。

What Should This Fight Be Called? Metaphors of Counterterrorism and Their Implications.

机构信息

Department of Psychology, University of Maryland, College Park

Center for International Security and Cooperation, Stanford University.

出版信息

Psychol Sci Public Interest. 2007 Dec;8(3):97-133. doi: 10.1111/j.1539-6053.2008.00035.x. Epub 2007 Dec 1.

Abstract

This monograph examines from a psychological perspective the use of metaphors in framing counterterrorism. Four major counterterrorism metaphors are considered, namely those of war, law enforcement, containment of a social epidemic, and a process of prejudice reduction. The war metaphor is as follows: Wars are fought by states; the enemy is thus an identifiable entity whose interests fundamentally oppose your own. The conflict is zero-sum-the outcome will be victory for one side or the other-and there is no compromise. The war metaphor is totalistic and extreme. Arguably, it was adopted in light of the immensity of damage and national hurt produced by the 9/11 attack. It has insinuated itself into the public discourse about counterterrorism, and it has guided policy, but it has also met challenges because of lack of fit and the availability of counteranalogies with different lessons of history. Some of the drawbacks of the war metaphor are addressable in the law enforcement metaphor of counterterrorism. Unlike war's special status and circumscribed duration, law enforcement is an ongoing concern that must compete for resources with other societal needs. A major advantage of law enforcement over warfare is its focused nature-targeting the actual terrorists, with less likelihood of injuring innocent parties. Yet despite its advantages, the law enforcement metaphor exhibits a partial mismatch with the realities of terrorism. Its complete and uncritical adoption may temporarily hamper terrorists' ability to launch attacks without substantially altering their motivation to do so. The public health epidemiological model was usefully applied to the epidemic of terror that followed the 9/11 attacks. It utilizes a partition between (a) an external agent, (b) a susceptible host, (c) an environment that brings them together, and (d) the vector that enables transmission of the disease. In the specific application to jihadist terrorism, the agent refers to the militant Islamist ideology, the susceptible host refers to radicalizable Muslim populations, the environment refers to conditions that promote the readiness to embrace such ideology, and the vectors are conduits whereby the ideology is propagated. The epidemiological metaphor has its own advantages over the war and law enforcement metaphors, but also limitations. Whereas the latter metaphors neglect the long-range process of ideological conversion and radicalization that creates terrorists, the epidemiological metaphor neglects the "here and now" of counterterrorism and the value of resolute strikes and intelligence-gathering activities needed to counter terrorists' concrete schemes and capabilities. Framing counterterrorism as the process of prejudice reduction addresses the interaction between two communities whose conflict may breed terrorism. This framing shifts the focus from a unilateral to a bilateral concern and acknowledges the contribution to intergroup tensions that the party targeted by terrorists may make. A major tool of prejudice reduction is the creation of positive contact between members of the conflicted groups. Efforts at prejudice reduction via positive contact need to take place in the context of a larger set of policies, such as those concerning immigration laws, educational programs, and foreign policy initiatives designed to augment the good-will-generating efforts of optimal-contact programs. For all its benefits, the prejudice-reduction framework is also not without its drawbacks. Specifically, the positive-contact notion highlights the benefits of mere human interaction; it disregards differences in ideological beliefs between the interacting parties, thereby neglecting an element that appears essential to producing their estrangement and reciprocal animosity. Too, like the epidemiological metaphor, the prejudice-reduction framing takes the long view, thereby neglecting the "here and now" of terrorism and the need to counter specific terrorist threats. Thus, each of the foregoing frameworks captures some aspects of counterterrorism's effects while neglecting others. Accordingly, an integrated approach to counterterrorism is called for, one that exploits the insights of each metaphor and avoids its pitfalls. Such an approach would maximize the likelihood of enlightened decision making concerning contemplated counterterrorist moves given the complex tradeoffs that each such move typically entails.

摘要

本专论从心理学角度考察了隐喻在反恐框架中的运用。考虑了四种主要的反恐隐喻,即战争、执法、社会传染病遏制和偏见减少过程。战争隐喻如下:战争是由国家进行的;因此,敌人是一个可识别的实体,其利益从根本上与自己的利益相对立。冲突是零和的——结果将是一方或另一方的胜利——没有妥协。战争隐喻是总体的和极端的。可以说,正是由于 9·11 袭击造成的巨大破坏和国家伤害,才采用了这种隐喻。它已经潜入了关于反恐的公共话语中,并指导了政策,但由于缺乏契合度和与历史上不同教训的反类比,它也面临着挑战。战争隐喻的一些缺点可以在反恐的执法隐喻中得到解决。与战争的特殊地位和有限持续时间不同,执法是一项持续存在的问题,必须与其他社会需求争夺资源。执法相对于战争的一个主要优势是其针对性——针对实际的恐怖分子,不太可能伤害无辜方。然而,尽管有其优势,执法隐喻与恐怖主义的现实存在部分不匹配。其完全和不加批判的采用可能会暂时阻碍恐怖分子发动袭击的能力,但不会实质性地改变他们发动袭击的动机。公共卫生流行病学模型被有效地应用于 9·11 袭击后恐怖主义的流行。它利用了(a)外部代理、(b)易感染宿主、(c)将它们聚集在一起的环境以及(d)使疾病传播的载体之间的划分。在对圣战恐怖主义的具体应用中,代理是指激进的伊斯兰意识形态,易感染宿主是指可能变得激进的穆斯林群体,环境是指促进接受这种意识形态的条件,载体是指传播这种意识形态的渠道。流行病学隐喻相对于战争和执法隐喻具有自己的优势,但也存在局限性。虽然后者忽略了造成恐怖分子的意识形态转变和激进化的长期过程,但流行病学隐喻忽略了反恐的“此时此地”以及果断打击和情报收集活动的价值,这些活动需要对抗恐怖分子的具体计划和能力。将反恐框架为偏见减少过程解决了两个可能滋生恐怖主义的社区之间的互动问题。这种框架将焦点从单边问题转移到双边问题,并承认恐怖分子所针对的一方可能会加剧群体间的紧张局势。偏见减少的一个主要工具是在冲突群体成员之间建立积极的联系。通过积极接触减少偏见的努力需要在一整套政策的背景下进行,例如移民法、教育计划和外交政策举措,旨在增加最佳接触方案产生的善意努力。尽管有其好处,但偏见减少框架也并非没有缺点。具体来说,积极接触的概念强调了单纯的人际互动的好处;它忽略了互动各方之间意识形态信仰的差异,从而忽略了一个似乎对产生他们的疏远和相互仇恨至关重要的因素。同样,像流行病学隐喻一样,偏见减少框架着眼于长远,从而忽略了恐怖主义的“此时此地”以及对抗特定恐怖主义威胁的必要性。因此,上述每一种框架都抓住了反恐效果的某些方面,而忽略了其他方面。因此,需要采取一种综合的反恐方法,利用每种隐喻的见解并避免其陷阱。这种方法将最大限度地提高在考虑到每个此类举措通常所涉及的复杂权衡时,就拟议的反恐举措做出明智决策的可能性。

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