Gelormini-Lezama Carlos
Universidad de San Andrés, Vito Dumas 284, B1644BID, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
J Psycholinguist Res. 2018 Apr;47(2):377-389. doi: 10.1007/s10936-017-9529-4.
Anaphoric expressions such as repeated names, overt pronouns, and null pronouns serve a major role in the creation and maintenance of discourse coherence. The felicitous use of an anaphoric expression is highly dependent on the discourse salience of the entity introduced by the antecedent. Gordon et al. (Cogn Sci 17:311-347, 1993) showed that, in English, sentences containing repeated names were read more slowly than corresponding sentences containing pronouns when the antecedent of the anaphoric expression was the subject of the previous sentence. This effect was dubbed the Repeated Name Penalty (RNP), and it was further found that this processing delay is eliminated if the antecedent of the anaphoric expression is the object of the previous sentence. The RNP was later extended to Mandarin Chinese (Yang et al. in Lang Cogn Process 14:715-743, 1999) and to Spanish (Gelormini-Lezama and Almor in Lang Cogn Process 26(3):437-454, 2011), which suggests that this might be a universal phenomenon. Moreover, the Spanish results showed an additional effect: sentences containing overt pronouns were read more slowly than corresponding sentences containing null pronouns when the antecedent of the anaphoric expression was the subject of the previous sentence. This effect was dubbed the Overt Pronoun Penalty (OPP) and, like the original RNP, the effect is also eliminated if the antecedent is in object position (Gelormini-Lezama and Almor 2011; Gordon et al. 1993). The similarity of the RNP and the OPP in Spanish suggests that these two processing phenomena might be caused by the same underlying principles. This paper is a critical review of the literature on these processing delays in Spanish and an attempt to integrate the data in a unified framework. Specifically, and following pragmatic explanations like the Informational Load Hypothesis (Almor in Psychol Rev 106:748-765, 1999), the RNP and OPP in Spanish can be understood as superficial manifestations of an imbalance between processing cost and discourse function.
指代性表达,如重复的名字、显性代词和零代词,在语篇连贯的创建和维持中起着重要作用。指代性表达的恰当使用高度依赖于先行词所引入实体的语篇显著性。戈登等人(《认知科学》17:311 - 347,1993)表明,在英语中,当代词的先行词是前一句的主语时,包含重复名字的句子比包含代词的相应句子阅读速度更慢。这种效应被称为重复名字惩罚(RNP),并且进一步发现,如果指代性表达的先行词是前一句的宾语,这种加工延迟就会消除。RNP后来扩展到了汉语普通话(杨等人,《语言与认知过程》14:715 - 743,1999)和西班牙语(杰洛米尼 - 莱扎马和阿尔莫,《语言与认知过程》26(3):437 - 454,2011),这表明这可能是一种普遍现象。此外,西班牙语的研究结果还显示了另一种效应:当代词的先行词是前一句的主语时,包含显性代词的句子比包含零代词的相应句子阅读速度更慢。这种效应被称为显性代词惩罚(OPP),并且与原始的RNP一样,如果先行词处于宾语位置,这种效应也会消除(杰洛米尼 - 莱扎马和阿尔莫,2011;戈登等人,1993)。西班牙语中RNP和OPP的相似性表明,这两种加工现象可能由相同的潜在原则引起。本文是对西班牙语中这些加工延迟的文献的批判性综述,并试图将数据整合到一个统一的框架中。具体而言,遵循诸如信息负荷假说(阿尔莫,《心理学评论》106:748 - 765,1999)等语用学解释,西班牙语中的RNP和OPP可以被理解为加工成本与语篇功能之间不平衡的表面表现。