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语义饱和的皮层电活动N400效应

Electrocortical N400 Effects of Semantic Satiation.

作者信息

Ströberg Kim, Andersen Lau M, Wiens Stefan

机构信息

Gösta Ekman Laboratory, Department of Psychology, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.

NatMEG, Department of Clinical Neuroscience, Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden.

出版信息

Front Psychol. 2017 Dec 5;8:2117. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2017.02117. eCollection 2017.

Abstract

Semantic satiation is characterised by the subjective and temporary loss of meaning after high repetition of a prime word. To study the nature of this effect, previous electroencephalography (EEG) research recorded the N400, an ERP component that is sensitive to violations of semantic context. The N400 is characterised by a relative negativity to words that are unrelated vs. related to the semantic context. The semantic satiation hypothesis predicts that the N400 should decrease with high repetition. However, previous findings have been inconsistent. Because of these inconsistent findings and the shortcomings of previous research, we used a modified design that minimises confounding effects from non-semantic processes. We recorded 64-channel EEG and analysed the N400 in a semantic priming task in which the primes were repeated 3 or 30 times. Critically, we separated low and high repetition trials and excluded response trials. Further, we varied the physical features (letter case and format) of consecutive primes to minimise confounding effects from perceptual habituation. For centrofrontal electrodes, the N400 was reduced after 30 repetitions (vs. 3 repetitions). Explorative source reconstructions suggested that activity decreased after 30 repetitions in bilateral inferior temporal gyrus, the right posterior section of the superior and middle temporal gyrus, right supramarginal gyrus, bilateral lateral occipital cortex, and bilateral lateral orbitofrontal cortex. These areas overlap broadly with those typically involved in the N400, namely middle temporal gyrus and inferior frontal gyrus. The results support the semantic rather than the perceptual nature of the satiation effect.

摘要

语义饱和的特征是在对启动词进行高频率重复后,主观上暂时丧失意义。为了研究这种效应的本质,先前的脑电图(EEG)研究记录了N400,这是一种对语义语境违背敏感的事件相关电位成分。N400的特征是对与语义语境无关的词相对于相关词呈现相对负波。语义饱和假说预测,随着高频率重复,N400应该会减小。然而,先前的研究结果并不一致。由于这些不一致的发现以及先前研究的不足,我们采用了一种经过改进的设计,将非语义过程的混杂效应降至最低。我们记录了64通道脑电图,并在一个语义启动任务中分析了N400,其中启动词被重复3次或30次。关键的是,我们区分了低频率和高频率重复试验,并排除了反应试验。此外,我们改变了连续启动词的物理特征(字母大小写和格式),以尽量减少感知习惯化带来的混杂效应。对于中央前额叶电极,在重复30次后(相对于3次),N400减小。探索性源重建表明,在双侧颞下回、颞上回和颞中回的右侧后部、右侧缘上回、双侧枕外侧皮层以及双侧眶额外侧皮层,重复30次后活动减少。这些区域与通常涉及N400的区域广泛重叠,即颞中回和额下回。结果支持了饱和效应的语义而非感知本质。

https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/1e3a/5770629/d2c2d47671db/fpsyg-08-02117-g001.jpg

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