Ramme Jennifer
Polish-German Cultural-and Literary Relations and Gender Studies, Faculty of Cultural and Social Science, European University Viadrina, Frankfurt, Germany.
The Viadrina Institut für European Studies, Frankfurt, Germany.
Front Sociol. 2019 Jul 16;4:55. doi: 10.3389/fsoc.2019.00055. eCollection 2019.
Gender regimes of belonging are contextually variable and closely linked to other regimes of belonging, such as the , the , or, the . In the case of Poland, this contextuality and interdependence becomes apparent when analyzing struggles between feminist and Catholic anti-choice environments. While the first group opts for gender democracy, the other favors a familistic social order. In the mid-90s, the struggle over "Polish" gender regimes took an international dimension and was played out as well at the international fora of the UN. When women's rights actors from Poland appeared at the 4th World Conference on Women held by the UN in China in 1995, they experienced being positioned within a pre-structured spatial order and learned that this positioning and the synthesis within scalar regimes of belonging, such as the scale of but also that of , have a major impact on their political agency. The spatial order of the UN is a field of conflict, as certain positioning within regimes of belonging might limit political agency and therefore constrain the making of claims. NGOs struggle to get representation and definitional power over space and collective identity categories, but they also put effort into changing the very composition and hierarchies within identity regimes. Toward this end, they form coalitions and networks and perform group identities and may even act in opposition to institutionalized regimes of belonging. The use of concepts such as and allows us to avoid the analytical limits that are linked to the theoretical frameworks of recognition and identity politics. This article explores the strategies of scalar politics of belonging applied by NGOs, which also lead to the establishment of bodies representing women from the post-socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, such as the Karat Coalition, but it also draws attention to the political effects of scaling belonging through the "family" or "Europe." Today, the question as to what shape gender regimes of belonging should take is still an important site of struggle.
归属的性别制度因具体情境而异，且与其他归属制度紧密相连，比如 、 或者 。以波兰为例，在分析女权主义与天主教反堕胎环境之间的斗争时，这种情境性和相互依存性就变得很明显。第一类群体倾向于性别民主，而另一类则青睐家庭主义社会秩序。20世纪90年代中期，围绕“波兰式”性别制度的斗争呈现出国际维度，并且在联合国的国际论坛上也有体现。1995年，当来自波兰的女权活动人士出现在联合国在中国举行的第四次世界妇女大会上时，她们体验到自己处于一种预先构建好的空间秩序之中，并了解到这种定位以及在诸如 尺度但也包括 尺度的归属标量制度中的整合，对她们的政治能动性有重大影响。联合国的空间秩序是一个冲突场域，因为在归属制度中的某些定位可能会限制政治能动性，从而制约诉求的提出。非政府组织努力争取在空间和集体身份类别方面的代表性和定义权，但它们也致力于改变身份制度内部的构成和等级制度。为此，它们结成联盟和网络，表现出群体身份，甚至可能反对制度化的归属制度。使用诸如 和 等概念使我们能够避免与承认和身份政治的理论框架相关的分析局限性。本文探讨了非政府组织应用的归属标量政治策略，这些策略还促成了代表中东欧后社会主义国家妇女的机构的建立，比如克拉特联盟，但它也提请人们注意通过“家庭”或“欧洲”来划分归属所产生的政治影响。如今，归属的性别制度应采取何种形式的问题仍是一个重要的斗争场所。
