Shultz Lynette, Viczko Melody
University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB Canada.
Western University, London, ON Canada.
Int Rev Educ. 2021;67(1-2):219-239. doi: 10.1007/s11159-021-09893-y. Epub 2021 May 18.
As the world went suddenly into lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic, sending individuals to their homes and shutting businesses and institutions, the closing of schools posed big problems. The majority of the world's children were out of school, leading to the longest sustained period of school closures in history. We saw educators turning towards responses not aimed at collegial and community-engaged strategies for education in an emergency but at online learning cast as education/business as usual. This study explores the logic driving this global response through analyses of the documents released by three key global education actors: (1) the OECD and its paper ; (2) UNESCO's ; and (3) the World Bank's ; and . The authors of this article draw on Carol Bacchi's approach to poststructural policy analysis to make visible the key concepts and binaries used within policy texts and to understand the "technologies of saving" that were invoked in each policy response, locating the education programmes, activities and actors within knowledge practices in educational reform. This article explores the World Bank, OECD and UNESCO responses using an analysis of knowledge harmonisation and difference among these institutions as well as their location as key norm-setters and governing actors in the field of education. The authors argue that all three responses privilege private-sector providers of digital technology. The consequence of these responses is that technologies of saving have centred on privatised, corporate edu-business and edu-tech aimed at online education delivery, bringing significant risks for the erasure of local knowledges. The authors' study suggests that local policymakers, including community-based and national actors, must be invited into the discussion to envision other possibilities and to name the potential destructiveness embedded in the international organisations' actions.
由于新冠疫情，世界突然进入封锁状态，人们居家隔离，企业和机构关闭，学校停课带来了大问题。世界上大多数儿童失学，导致史上最长时间的持续停课。我们看到教育工作者转向的应对措施，并非旨在采取紧急情况下与学院和社区合作的教育策略，而是转向被视为常规教育/商业活动的在线学习。本研究通过分析三个关键全球教育行为体发布的文件，探讨推动这种全球应对措施的逻辑：（1）经合组织及其文件；（2）联合国教科文组织的；以及（3）世界银行的；和。本文作者借鉴卡罗尔·巴奇的后结构政策分析方法，使政策文本中使用的关键概念和二元对立变得清晰可见，并理解每种政策应对措施中所援引的“拯救技术”，将教育项目、活动和行为体置于教育改革的知识实践之中。本文通过分析这些机构之间的知识协调与差异，以及它们作为教育领域关键规范制定者和管理行为体的定位，探讨世界银行、经合组织和联合国教科文组织的应对措施。作者认为，所有这三种应对措施都偏袒数字技术的私营部门供应商。这些应对措施的后果是，拯救技术以旨在提供在线教育的私有化、企业化教育商业和教育技术为中心，给本土知识的消亡带来重大风险。作者的研究表明，必须邀请包括社区和国家行为体在内的地方政策制定者参与讨论，以设想其他可能性，并指出国际组织行动中潜在的破坏性。
