Department of Psychology, University of Portsmouth.
Department of Human Sciences, Osnabrück University.
Monogr Soc Res Child Dev. 2021 Dec;86(4):7-217. doi: 10.1111/mono.12435.
Joint attention (JA) is an early manifestation of social cognition, commonly described as interactions in which an infant looks or gestures to an adult female to share attention about an object, within a positive emotional atmosphere. We label this description the JA phenotype. We argue that characterizing JA in this way reflects unexamined assumptions which are, in part, due to past developmental researchers' primary focus on western, middle-class infants and families. We describe a range of cultural variations in caregiving practices, socialization goals, and parenting ethnotheories as an essential initial step in viewing joint attention within inclusive and contextualized perspectives. We begin the process of conducting a decolonized study of JA by considering the core construct of joint attention (i.e., triadic connectedness) and adopting culturally inclusive definitions (labeled joint engagement [JE]). Our JE definitions allow for attention and engagement to be expressed in visual and tactile modalities (e.g., for infants experiencing distal or proximal caregiving), with various social partners (e.g., peers, older siblings, mothers), with a range of shared topics (e.g., representing diverse socialization goals, and socio-ecologies with and without toys), and with a range of emotional tone (e.g., for infants living in cultures valuing calmness and low arousal, and those valuing exuberance). Our definition of JE includes initiations from either partner (to include priorities for adult-led or child-led interactions). Our next foundational step is making an ecological commitment to naturalistic observations (Dahl, 2017, Child Dev Perspect, 11(2), 79-84): We measure JE while infants interact within their own physical and social ecologies. This commitment allows us to describe JE as it occurs in everyday contexts, without constraints imposed by researchers. Next, we sample multiple groups of infants drawn from diverse socio-ecological settings. Moreover, we include diverse samples of chimpanzee infants to compare with diverse samples of human infants, to investigate the extent to which JE is unique to humans, and to document diversity both within and between species. We sampled human infants living in three diverse settings. U.K. infants (n = 8) were from western, middle-class families living near universities in the south of England. Nso infants (n = 12) were from communities of subsistence farmers in Cameroon, Africa. Aka infants (n = 10) were from foraging communities in the tropical rain forests of Central African Republic, Africa. We coded behavioral details of JE from videotaped observations (taken between 2004 and 2010). JE occurred in the majority of coded intervals (Mdn = 68%), supporting a conclusion that JE is normative for human infants. The JA phenotype, in contrast, was infrequent, and significantly more common in the U.K. (Mdn = 10%) than the other groups (Mdn < 3%). We found significant within-species diversity in JE phenotypes (i.e., configurations of predominant forms of JE characteristics). We conclude that triadic connectedness is very common in human infants, but there is significant contextualization of behavioral forms of JE. We also studied chimpanzee infants living in diverse socio-ecologies. The PRI/Zoo chimpanzee infants (n = 7) were from captive, stable groups of mixed ages and sexes, and included 4 infants from the Chester Zoo, U.K. and 3 from the Primate Research Institute, Kyoto University, Japan. The Gombe chimpanzee infants (n = 12) were living in a dynamically changing, wild community in the Gombe National Park, Tanzania, Africa. Additionally, we include two Home chimpanzee infants who were reared from birth by a female scientist, in the combined U.S., middle-class contexts of home and university cognition laboratory. JE was coded from videotaped observations (taken between 1993 and 2006). JE occurred during the majority of coded intervals (Mdn = 64%), consistent with the position that JE is normative for chimpanzee infants. The JA phenotype, in contrast, was rare, but more commonly observed in the two Home chimpanzee infants (in 8% and 2% of intervals) than in other chimpanzee groups (Mdns = 0%). We found within-species diversity in the configurations comprising the JE phenotypes. We conclude that triadic connectedness is very common in chimpanzee infants, but behavioral forms of joint engagement are contextualized. We compared JE across species, and found no species-uniqueness in behavioral forms, JE characteristics, or JE phenotypes. Both human and chimpanzee infants develop contextualized social cognition. Within-species diversity is embraced when triadic connectedness is described with culturally inclusive definitions. In contrast, restricting definitions to the JA phenotype privileges a behavioral form most valued in western, middle-class socio-ecologies, irrespective of whether the interactions involve human or chimpanzee infants. Our study presents a model for how to decolonize an important topic in developmental psychology. Decolonization is accomplished by defining the phenomenon inclusively, embracing diversity in sampling, challenging claims of human-uniqueness, and having an ecological commitment to observe infant social cognition as it occurs within everyday socio-ecological contexts. It is essential that evolutionary and developmental theories of social cognition are re-built on more inclusive and decolonized empirical foundations.
共同关注(JA)是社会认知的早期表现,通常描述为婴儿在积极的情感氛围中向成年女性做出眼神或手势,以共同关注一个物体,我们将这种描述称为 JA 表型。我们认为,以这种方式描述 JA 反映了未经检验的假设,这些假设部分是由于过去发展研究人员主要关注西方中产阶级的婴儿和家庭。我们描述了一系列文化差异的照顾实践、社会化目标和育儿民族理论,作为从包容性和情境化的角度看待共同关注的基本初始步骤。我们通过考虑共同关注的核心结构(即三元连接)并采用文化包容性的定义(称为共同参与 [JE])来开始对 JA 进行去殖民化研究。我们的 JE 定义允许注意力和参与以视觉和触觉的方式表达(例如,对于经历远程或近端照顾的婴儿),与各种社会伙伴(例如,同龄人、兄弟姐妹、母亲),具有各种共同的主题(例如,代表不同的社会化目标和具有或不具有玩具的社会生态系统),以及具有不同的情绪基调(例如,对于生活在重视冷静和低唤醒的文化中的婴儿,以及那些重视热情的婴儿)。我们的 JE 定义包括来自任何一方的发起(包括成人主导或儿童主导互动的优先事项)。我们的下一个基础步骤是对自然观察做出生态承诺(Dahl,2017,儿童发展观点,11(2),79-84):我们在婴儿在自己的物理和社会生态系统中互动时测量 JE。这种承诺使我们能够在日常背景下描述 JE,而不受研究人员的限制。接下来,我们从各种不同的社会生态环境中抽取多个组别的婴儿样本。此外,我们包括不同的黑猩猩婴儿样本与不同的人类婴儿样本进行比较,以调查 JE 是否是人类独有的,以及记录物种内和物种间的多样性。我们从三个不同的环境中抽取了人类婴儿的样本。英国婴儿(n=8)来自英国南部大学附近的西方中产阶级家庭。Nsö 婴儿(n=12)来自喀麦隆的自给自足农民社区。Aka 婴儿(n=10)来自中非共和国的热带雨林中的觅食社区。我们从录像带观察中记录了 JE 的行为细节(拍摄于 2004 年至 2010 年之间)。JE 出现在大多数编码间隔(中位数=68%),这支持了 JE 是人类婴儿的规范的结论。相比之下,JA 表型则很少见,在英国(中位数=10%)比其他群体(中位数<3%)更为常见。我们发现 JE 表型在行为形式上存在显著的种内多样性(即,共同关注特征的主要形式的配置)。我们得出的结论是,三元连接在人类婴儿中非常普遍,但 JE 的行为形式存在很大的情境化。我们还研究了生活在不同社会生态系统中的黑猩猩婴儿。PRI/Zoo 黑猩猩婴儿(n=7)来自混合年龄和性别的圈养稳定群体,包括英国切斯特动物园的 4 只婴儿和日本京都大学灵长类研究所的 3 只婴儿。冈贝黑猩猩婴儿(n=12)生活在坦桑尼亚冈贝国家公园一个动态变化的野生社区中。此外,我们还包括两只家庭黑猩猩婴儿,它们由一位女科学家从出生起就一起在美国家庭和大学认知实验室中抚养。我们从录像带观察中记录了 JE(拍摄于 1993 年至 2006 年之间)。JE 出现在大多数编码间隔(中位数=64%),这与 JE 是黑猩猩婴儿的规范的立场一致。相比之下,JA 表型则很少见,但在两只家庭黑猩猩婴儿中(分别为 8%和 2%的间隔)比其他黑猩猩群体(中位数=0%)更为常见。我们发现 JE 表型在构成 JE 表型的配置中存在多样性。我们得出的结论是,三元连接在黑猩猩婴儿中非常普遍,但共同参与的行为形式是情境化的。我们比较了跨物种的 JE,发现行为形式、JE 特征或 JE 表型没有物种独特性。人类和黑猩猩婴儿都发展出了情境化的社会认知。当使用文化包容性的定义来描述共同关注时,会接受种内多样性。相比之下,将定义限制在 JA 表型上,会优先考虑在西方中产阶级社会生态系统中最受重视的行为形式,而不管互动涉及人类还是黑猩猩婴儿。我们的研究为发展心理学中一个重要主题提供了一个去殖民化的模型。通过包容性地定义现象、接受样本多样性的挑战、挑战人类独特性的主张以及对婴儿社会认知进行生态承诺,即在日常社会生态环境中观察它,实现了去殖民化。至关重要的是,社会认知的进化和发展理论必须建立在更具包容性和去殖民化的经验基础上。