Rindermann Heiner
Department of Psychology, Chemnitz University of Technology, Wilhelm-Raabe-Str. 43, D-09107, Chemnitz, Germany.
Heliyon. 2024 Jan 24;10(3):e25043. doi: 10.1016/j.heliyon.2024.e25043. eCollection 2024 Feb 15.
For more than twenty years, large and generally stable differences in academic achievement and cognitive ability have been reported within Germany. In such studies, the southern regions lead in the west and east, while city-states lag behind. Expressed in school learning time, the students in Bavaria are 14 months ahead of the students in Bremen. It is striking that there are no or only marginally received studies on causes and consequences.
This study attempts to explore the causes and consequences of the differences within Germany and what can be learned in general about their development.
We use data from student assessment and other studies (e.g., PISA, IQB) and apply correlational and path analyses, controlled for various background factors.
There are no stable correlations with evolution (genes), educational level of society (adult school years) and wealth (GDP per capita). However, there are high correlations, robust across indicators, with "burgher-conservative" education policies, e.g., central exit examinations, early tracking, grades at a young age (around ≈ .65); with measures of students' quantity of education (hours of instruction, no teacher shortage; ≈ .40); with measures of tertiary educational quality and appreciation of education (university quality, short duration of studies, professors' salaries; ≈ .50); with student native/immigrant ratio ( ≈ .50); with middle-class burgher lifestyle (less private debt, less welfare dependency and less crime; ≈ .60); and with burgher-conservative-right politics (share of votes for CDU/CSU and non-left parties, non-left state governments; ≈ .80). Longitudinal analyses over four decades reveal interaction effects, i.e., more burgher policies statistically lead to more cognitively competent students ( ≈ .45) and more cognitively competent populations vote for burgher parties ( ≈ .30).
The results, which support the efficacy a bourgeois-conservative education policy and of lower immigration rates, are delicate for the practice of student achievement research and for the political milieu that dominates the social sciences.
二十多年来,德国国内在学业成绩和认知能力方面存在巨大且总体稳定的差异。在这类研究中,南部地区在西部和东部处于领先地位,而城市州则落后。以学校学习时间来衡量,巴伐利亚州的学生比不来梅州的学生领先14个月。令人惊讶的是,关于其成因和后果的研究要么没有,要么很少受到关注。
本研究试图探究德国国内差异的成因和后果,以及总体上能从其发展中学到什么。
我们使用学生评估和其他研究(如国际学生评估项目、德国国际教育质量评估协会)的数据,并应用相关分析和路径分析,同时控制各种背景因素。
与进化(基因)、社会教育水平(成人受教育年限)和财富(人均国内生产总值)没有稳定的相关性。然而,与“市民保守型”教育政策(如中央结业考试、早期分流、低龄成绩评定,相关系数约为0.65)、学生受教育量的指标(授课时长、无教师短缺,相关系数约为0.40)、高等教育质量和对教育重视程度的指标(大学质量、学习时间短、教授薪资,相关系数约为0.50)、学生中本地/移民比例(相关系数约为0.50)、中产阶级市民生活方式(私人债务少、福利依赖少、犯罪少,相关系数约为0.60)以及市民保守右派政治(基民盟/基社盟和非左翼政党获得的选票份额、非左翼州政府,相关系数约为0.80)存在高度相关性,且这些相关性在各项指标中都很显著。四十年来的纵向分析揭示了交互效应,即更多的市民政策在统计上会导致学生认知能力更强(相关系数约为0.45),而认知能力更强的人群会投票给市民政党(相关系数约为0.30)。
这些支持资产阶级保守型教育政策和较低移民率有效性的结果,对于学生成绩研究的实践以及主导社会科学的政治环境而言较为微妙。