Moise Alexandru D, Truchlewski Zbigniew, Oana Ioana-Elena
Department of Political and Social Science, European University Institute, Badia Fiesolana - Via dei Roccettini 9, San Domenico di Fiesole (FI), Italy.
Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam, Nieuwe Achtergracht 166, 1018 WV Amsterdam, Netherlands.
Polit Behav. 2025;47(3):1015-1066. doi: 10.1007/s11109-024-09979-x. Epub 2024 Nov 13.
Following the "bellicist" school of state formation, the external threat of war is expected to spur polity formation by centralizing military capacity (Tilly, in Coercion, Capital, and European States, Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1990). It has been argued that Russia's invasion of Ukraine could provide such an impetus for centralization in the EU polity (Kelemen & McNamara, Comparative Political Studies, 55(6):18-34, 2022). We adapt the Tillian argument to the era of mass democracy, where governments need citizen support. Public support is crucial because it can constrain governments in times of crisis, especially regarding salient policies. We do not yet understand what degree of centralization the European public supports and under which conditions it can increase. We conduct an experiment where we vary both the Russian (escalation from presence in Ukraine to the invasion of Moldova or Lithuania) and the American responses (continuation of support vs. withdrawal) and see how European preferences vary for polity building in defense. We field our experiment in 7 countries (Germany, France, Italy, Portugal, Finland, Poland, and Hungary) with different sensitivities and exposures to the war in Ukraine. We propose an alternative argument to the Tillian approach based on the seminal Milwardian argument according to which polity coordination of national capacities is preferred (Milward, in The European Rescue of the Nation State, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1992). We show theoretically and empirically that external threats can actually hamper polity centralization, at least in the short term. Rather, they strengthen the subunits of a polity through coordination.
按照国家形成的“战争主义者”学派观点,战争的外部威胁预计会通过集中军事能力来刺激政体形成(蒂利,《强制、资本与欧洲国家》,牛津,巴兹尔·布莱克韦尔出版社,1990年)。有人认为,俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵可能为欧盟政体的集权化提供这样一种推动力(凯莱门和麦克纳马拉,《比较政治研究》,第55卷第6期:18 - 34页,2022年)。我们将蒂利的观点应用于大众民主时代,在这个时代,政府需要公民的支持。公众支持至关重要,因为它在危机时期可以约束政府,尤其是在突出政策方面。我们尚不明白欧洲公众支持何种程度的集权化以及在何种条件下这种集权化会增强。我们进行了一项实验,改变俄罗斯的行动(从在乌克兰的存在升级到入侵摩尔多瓦或立陶宛)以及美国的反应(继续支持与撤回支持),并观察欧洲人在国防政体建设方面的偏好如何变化。我们在7个对乌克兰战争敏感度和受影响程度不同的国家(德国、法国、意大利、葡萄牙、芬兰、波兰和匈牙利)开展了我们的实验。我们基于具有开创性的米尔沃德观点,提出了一种与蒂利方法不同的观点,根据该观点,国家能力的政体协调更为可取(米尔沃德,《欧洲对民族国家的拯救》,加利福尼亚大学出版社,伯克利和洛杉矶,1992年)。我们从理论和实证上表明,外部威胁实际上至少在短期内会阻碍政体集权化。相反,它们会通过协调加强政体的各个子单元。