Suppr超能文献

处理简单句中概念关系时的电生理差异。

Electrophysiological distinctions in processing conceptual relationships within simple sentences.

作者信息

Kuperberg Gina R, Sitnikova Tatiana, Caplan David, Holcomb Phillip J

机构信息

Department of Psychiatry, Massachusetts General Hospital, Bldg 149, 13th Street,, Charlestown, MA 02129, USA.

出版信息

Brain Res Cogn Brain Res. 2003 Jun;17(1):117-29. doi: 10.1016/s0926-6410(03)00086-7.

Abstract

The aim of this study was to determine whether or not the brain distinguishes between two types of conceptual relationships between noun-phrases (NPs) and verbs during online processing of simple, unambiguous English sentences. A total of 15 participants read and made plausibility judgments on sentences that were presented word-by-word. Event-related potentials elicited by critical verbs were measured. In all cases, the critical verb assigned a thematic role of 'agent' to its subject NP. In non-violated sentences (e.g. "For breakfast the boys would only eat em leader"), the preceding NP was animate ("boys") and was a likely agent for a given verb ("eat") given its preceding context ("For breakfast"). In both types of conceptually violated sentences, the NPs were unlikely agents for the verbs given their preceding contexts. In 'thematic role animacy violations' (e.g. "For breakfast the eggs would only eat em leader"), the NP was inanimate ("eggs") and was therefore more likely to occupy the role of 'theme' than 'agent', i.e. eggs, being inanimate, cannot eat but they can be eaten. In 'non-thematic role pragmatic violations' (e.g. "For breakfast the boys would only bury em leader"), the thematic role of agent assigned by the verb ("bury") to its preceding NP ("boys") is inherently acceptable (boys can bury), but the sentence is still pragmatically incongruous given the preceding context ("At breakfast"). As expected, the non-thematic role pragmatic violations elicited a significant N400 effect. The thematic role animacy violations elicited a smaller N400 effect that only approached significance across all participants. The thematic role animacy violations, however, elicited a significant P600 effect-an ERP component that is most commonly associated with processing syntactic information during language comprehension. We discuss the possibility that the P600 was elicited by the thematic role animacy violations (but not by the non-thematic role pragmatic violations) because, in the former but not the latter, there was an online attempt to structurally repair and make sense of the sentences by reassigning the thematic role of the NP that preceded the critical verb from 'agent' to 'theme'. Our findings suggest a qualitative neural distinction in processing these two types of conceptual anomalies within simple, unambiguous sentences.

摘要

本研究的目的是确定在简单、明确的英语句子在线处理过程中,大脑是否能区分名词短语(NP)和动词之间的两种概念关系。共有15名参与者逐词阅读句子并对其合理性进行判断。测量关键动词引发的事件相关电位。在所有情况下,关键动词为其主语NP赋予“施事”的主题角色。在未违反规则的句子中(例如“早餐时,男孩们只吃领导者”),前面的NP是有生命的(“男孩们”),鉴于其前面的语境(“早餐时”),它很可能是给定动词(“吃”)的施事。在两种概念违反类型的句子中,鉴于其前面的语境,NP不太可能是动词的施事。在“主题角色生命性违反”(例如“早餐时,鸡蛋只吃领导者”)中,NP是无生命的(“鸡蛋”),因此更有可能占据“主题”而非“施事”的角色,即鸡蛋是无生命的,不能吃,但可以被吃。在“非主题角色语用违反”(例如“早餐时,男孩们只埋葬领导者”)中,动词(“埋葬”)赋予其前面NP(“男孩们”)的施事主题角色在本质上是可接受的(男孩们可以埋葬),但鉴于前面的语境(“早餐时”),该句子在语用上仍然不协调。正如预期的那样,非主题角色语用违反引发了显著的N400效应。主题角色生命性违反引发了较小的N400效应,仅在所有参与者中接近显著水平。然而,主题角色生命性违反引发了显著的P600效应——一种ERP成分,在语言理解过程中最常与句法信息处理相关。我们讨论了P600由主题角色生命性违反(而非非主题角色语用违反)引发的可能性,因为在前者而非后者中,存在一种在线尝试,即通过将关键动词之前的NP的主题角色从“施事”重新分配为“主题”来对句子进行结构修复并使其有意义。我们的研究结果表明,在处理简单、明确句子中的这两种概念异常时,存在质的神经差异。

文献AI研究员

20分钟写一篇综述,助力文献阅读效率提升50倍。

立即体验

用中文搜PubMed

大模型驱动的PubMed中文搜索引擎

马上搜索

文档翻译

学术文献翻译模型,支持多种主流文档格式。

立即体验