Palazzolo J
CH Sainte-Marie, Réseau ERAHSM, 87 avenue Joseph-Raybaud, BP 1519, 06009 Nice cedex 01.
Encephale. 2004 May-Jun;30(3):276-84. doi: 10.1016/s0013-7006(04)95440-1.
In this study of psychiatric inpatients' perceptions of the seclusion-room experience, 67 admitted inpatients were interviewed during 6 Months within 3 days of the experience, and 24 hours after. A 35-items semistructured interview schedule was used to obtain information on six research questions. Subjects' perception of the reasons for their seclusions varied greatly from perceptions of staff members. Findings implied that for some patients seclusion may have been unnecessary, but for others it was beneficial. Subjects who reported out-of-control impulses or pathological intensity of relationships prior to seclusion and who showed positive change in mood, behavior, or thinking toward staff and/or other patients during or after seclusion seem to have benefited from the experience. Seclusion is a common practice in most psychiatric inpatient settings. The reported incidence of seclusion varies from 4% to 66% of admissions to psychia-tric facilities. But seclusion is controversial. Opponents of seclusion have based their arguments on a concern for the rights of mental patients and a dedication to treat patients in the least restrictive environment. Proponents of seclusion have based their arguments on the theoretical benefits of isolation and the reduction of external stimuli. However, little information about the psychiatric patients experience before, during and after seclusion is currently available. The purpose of this exploratory descriptive study is to gather information on psychiatric patients' perceptions of their seclusion-room experiences, their experiences immediately before and after seclusion, and how they thought these experiences affected them or others. Subjects and staff described the reasons for seclusion differently. For example, subjects described situations leading up to seclusion, but staff described aggressive behavior justifying seclusion. Yet, almost all reasons provided by both groups involved subjects' out-of-control impulses or problems in relationships. The physical, behavioral, and emotional responses of patients to seclusion have been the subject of both observation and more formal investigation. In a study of 263 seclusion episodes, Gerlock and Solomons (1983) noted that 83% of the patients evidenced disturbed behavior at the initiation of seclusion and only 23% did so on release. In a study of the use of the quiet room on a children's unit, Joshi et al. (1988) observed that 92% of the patients who were agitated when placed in the quiet room were calm on release and that 79% were able to rejoin group activities. As for nonempirical investigations, Gair et al. (1965) observed no ill effects (such as fear, withdrawal, or disorganization) and an improvement in inner controls as a result of the use of seclusion on a children's unit. Way and Banks (1990) cautioned against the side effects of humiliation, disorientation, and medical complications of restraint and seclusion in the elderly. As previously noted, many re-presentatives of the psychiatric consumer/survivor movement have characterized seclusion as an extraordinarily traumatic intervention. It is therefore important to examine empirical studies of the emotional effects of this intervention on patients. Perhaps the best-known study is that of Wadeson and Carpenter (1976), which involved 62 mostly unmedicated patients on an NIMH research unit with a seclusion rate of 66%. Patients were asked to draw their experiences and feelings connected with their illness and treatment in three art sessions (2 weeks after admission, 2 weeks before discharge, and 1 Year later). Thirty-three percent of the patients drew the seclusion experience. Their art work and their discussions of it revealed negative feelings (fear, estrangement, hostility, retaliation, guilt, paranoia, bitterness) as well as sadomasochistic conflicts and comforting hallucinations (possibly as a response to sensory deprivation). Several other studies have investigated patients' emotional responses to seclusion. Binder and Mac Coy (1983) conducted semistructured interviews with 24 patients who had been secluded. Thirteen of the 24 patients had no idea or a false idea as to why they had been secluded, 22 were unaware that staff checked on them every 15 minutes, and 13 felt that there was nothing good about the experience. Ne-vertheless, half of the 24 patients felt that the intervention had been necessary and about half felt that it would not adversely affect their attitudes toward treatment. Plutchik et al. (1978) investigated the perceptions of seclusion of patients who had or had not been secluded. Patients who had not been secluded felt safer when they saw others being secluded. Patients who had been secluded felt angry when others were secluded and bored and angry while in seclusion, but the majority felt that seclusion helped calm them down. Patients accurately perceived the precipitants of seclusion. Plutchik et al. also looked at staff perceptions. They found that although most staff felt that seclusion was beneficial to patients, professional staff had the most "regrets" about it. Patients accurately estimated and staff significantly underestimated the average duration of seclusion. Joshi et al. (1988) noted that 14% of children who had been secluded on their unit were angry and 17% were sad while they were in seclusion. Sheridan et al. (1990) observed a 2:1 ratio of negative-to-positive attitudes toward seclusion among patients interviewed at a VA hospital. They also noted that patients' attitudes toward initial seclusion had no effect on subsequent seclusion rates. Thus, although it appears to be reasonably well-established that seclusion "works", i.e., it provides an effective means for preventing injury and reducing agitation, it is at least equally well-established that this procedure can have serious deleterious physical and (more often) psychological effects on patients.
在这项关于精神科住院患者对隔离室体验看法的研究中,67名入院患者在体验后的3天内及之后的24小时内接受了访谈,为期6个月。使用一份包含35个条目的半结构化访谈提纲来获取关于六个研究问题的信息。患者对其被隔离原因的看法与工作人员的看法差异很大。研究结果表明,对一些患者来说,隔离可能是不必要的,但对另一些患者则有益。那些在隔离前报告有失控冲动或人际关系存在病态强度,且在隔离期间或之后对工作人员和/或其他患者的情绪、行为或思维表现出积极变化的患者,似乎从这种体验中受益。隔离在大多数精神科住院环境中是一种常见做法。报告的隔离发生率在精神科设施入院患者的4%至66%之间。但隔离存在争议。隔离的反对者基于对精神患者权利的关注以及致力于在限制最少的环境中治疗患者的理念进行论证。隔离的支持者则基于隔离的理论益处以及减少外部刺激进行论证。然而,目前关于精神科患者在隔离前、隔离期间和隔离后的体验的信息很少。这项探索性描述性研究的目的是收集关于精神科患者对其隔离室体验的看法、隔离前后的即时体验,以及他们认为这些体验如何影响他们自己或他人的信息。患者和工作人员对隔离原因的描述不同。例如,患者描述导致隔离的情况,而工作人员描述作为隔离理由的攻击性行为。然而,两组提供的几乎所有原因都涉及患者的失控冲动或人际关系问题。患者对隔离的身体、行为和情绪反应一直是观察和更正式调查的主题。在一项对263次隔离事件的研究中,格洛克和所罗门斯(1983年)指出,83%的患者在开始隔离时表现出行为紊乱,而在解除隔离时只有 23%的患者如此。在一项关于儿童病房安静室使用情况的研究中,乔希等人(1988年)观察到,92%被安置在安静室时烦躁不安的患者在解除隔离时平静下来,79%能够重新参加集体活动。至于非实证研究,盖尔等人(1965年)观察到在儿童病房使用隔离没有不良影响(如恐惧、退缩或混乱),并且内部控制有所改善。韦和班克斯(1990年)告诫人们注意隔离和约束对老年人造成的羞辱、迷失方向和医疗并发症等副作用。如前所述,精神科消费者/幸存者运动的许多代表将隔离描述为一种极具创伤性的干预措施。因此,研究这种干预对患者情绪影响的实证研究很重要。也许最著名的研究是韦德森和卡彭特(1976年)的研究,该研究涉及国立精神卫生研究所研究单位的62名大多未服药的患者,隔离率为66%。患者被要求在三次艺术治疗环节(入院后2周、出院前2周和1年后)画出他们与疾病和治疗相关的经历和感受。33%的患者画出了隔离经历。他们的艺术作品以及对其的讨论揭示了负面情绪(恐惧、疏远、敌意、报复、内疚、偏执、痛苦)以及施虐受虐冲突和安慰性幻觉(可能是对感觉剥夺的一种反应)。其他几项研究调查了患者对隔离的情绪反应。宾德和麦科伊(1983年)对24名曾被隔离的患者进行了半结构化访谈。24名患者中有13名对自己被隔离的原因毫无头绪或有错误认识,22名患者不知道工作人员每15分钟会查看他们一次,13名患者觉得这种体验没有任何好处。然而,24名患者中有一半觉得这种干预是必要的,约一半患者觉得这不会对他们对治疗的态度产生不利影响。普拉奇克等人(1978年)调查了曾被隔离和未被隔离患者对隔离的看法。未被隔离的患者看到他人被隔离时会觉得更安全。曾被隔离的患者看到他人被隔离时会生气,在隔离期间会感到无聊和愤怒,但大多数人觉得隔离有助于他们平静下来。患者准确地察觉到了隔离的诱因。普拉奇克等人还研究了工作人员的看法。他们发现,尽管大多数工作人员觉得隔离对患者有益,但专业工作人员对此“遗憾”最多。患者准确估计了隔离的平均时长,而工作人员则明显低估了。乔希等人(1988年)指出,他们病房中14%被隔离的儿童在隔离期间感到愤怒,17%感到悲伤。谢里丹等人(1990年)在一家退伍军人医院对患者进行访谈时发现,患者对隔离的负面态度与正面态度之比为 2:1。他们还指出,患者对初次隔离的态度对后续隔离率没有影响。因此,尽管似乎有充分证据表明隔离“有效”,即它为防止伤害和减少躁动提供了一种有效手段,但至少同样有充分证据表明,这个过程会对患者产生严重的有害身体影响(更多时候是心理影响)。