Medical Research Service, VA Northern California Health Care System, Martinez, CA 94553-4668, USA.
Neuropsychologia. 2011 Jan;49(1):1-18. doi: 10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2010.10.027. Epub 2010 Oct 28.
It has been suggested that damage to anterior regions of the left hemisphere results in a dissociation in the perception and lexical activation of past-tense forms. Specifically, in a lexical-decision task in which past-tense primes immediately precede present-tense targets, such patients demonstrate significant priming for irregular verbs (spoke-speak), but, unlike control participants, fail to do so for regular verbs (looked-look). Here, this behavioral dissociation was first confirmed in a group of eleven patients with damage to the pars opercularis (BA 44) and pars triangularis (BA 45) of the left inferior frontal gyrus (i.e., Broca's area). Two conditions containing word-onset orthographic-phonological overlap (bead-bee, barge-bar) demonstrated that the disrupted regular-verb priming was accompanied by, and covaried with, disrupted ortho-phonological priming, regardless of whether prime stimuli contained the regular inflectional rhyme pattern. Further, the dissociation between impaired regular-verb and preserved irregular-verb priming was shown to be continuous rather than categorical; priming for weak-irregular verbs (spent-spend) was intermediate in size between that of regular verbs and strong verbs. Such continuous dissociations grounded in ortho-phonological relationships between present- and past-tense forms are predicted by single-system, connectionist approaches to inflectional morphology and not predicted by current dual-system, rule-based models. Event-related potential data demonstrated that N400 priming effects were intact for both regular and irregular verbs, suggesting that the absence of significant regular-verb priming in the response time data did not result from a disruption of lexical access, and may have stemmed instead from post-lexical events such as covert articulation, segmentation strategies, and/or cognitive control.
有人认为,左半球前部区域的损伤会导致过去时态形式的感知和词汇激活分离。具体来说,在一个词汇决策任务中,过去时态的词缀立即出现在现在时态的目标之前,这样的患者对不规则动词(spoke-speak)表现出显著的启动,但与对照组参与者不同,他们对规则动词(looked-look)则没有这样的表现。在这里,这种行为分离首先在一组 11 名左额下回(即布罗卡区)的操作区(BA44)和三角区(BA45)受损的患者中得到了确认。两种包含词首正字法-语音重叠的条件(bead-bee,barge-bar)表明,受损的规则动词启动伴随着并与正字法-语音启动的破坏相关,而不管启动刺激是否包含规则的屈折押韵模式。此外,受损的规则动词和保留的不规则动词启动之间的分离被证明是连续的而不是分类的;弱不规则动词(spent-spend)的启动大小介于规则动词和强动词之间。这种基于现在时态和过去时态之间的正字法-语音关系的连续分离是由单一系统、连接主义的屈折形态学方法预测的,而不是由当前的双系统、基于规则的模型预测的。事件相关电位数据表明,N400 启动效应对规则动词和不规则动词都是完整的,这表明在反应时数据中没有显著的规则动词启动并不是由于词汇访问的中断,而是可能源于词汇后事件,如隐蔽发音、分段策略和/或认知控制。