University of California, San Diego.
J Cogn Neurosci. 1993 Spring;5(2):196-214. doi: 10.1162/jocn.1993.5.2.196.
Abstract Since the early days of generative grammar, the study of "unbounded dependencies" such as wh-questions and relative clauses has occupied a central place in both syntactic theory and language processing research. The problem that such constructions pose is as follows. In a normal wh-question, a wh-phrase is typically displaced to the left periphery of a clause (What did you say - to John?); this displaced constituent is often referred to as a "filler." The vacant position (indicated in the previous example by a blank line) where it would ordinarily occur in an "echo" question (You said what to John?) is correspondingly referred to as a "gap." Filler and gap are mutually dependent on each other since they share syntactic and semantic information essential for successful sentence interpretation. However, since sentence processing is a sequential operation, a filler cannot be assigned to its gap until some time after it has occurred. In other words, the filler must be held in working memory until such time as filler-gap assignment can take place. The intent of the research reported here was to examine the processing of unbounded dependencies in English as revealed in event-related brain potentials (ERPs). To this end, subjects were shown both grammatical and ungrammatical yes/no-questions (Did you say something to John?) and wh-questions. A number of comparisons made at various points in these questions showed that both the storage of a filler in working memory and its subsequent retrieval for filler-gap assignment were associated with an enhanced negativity between 300 and 500 msec poststimulus over left anterior sites. This effect of left anterior negativity (LAN) was independent of and orthogonal to the grammaticality of the eliciting condition. We show how this interpretation coincides with recent studies that demonstrate a correlation between left anterior negativity, working memory capacity, and successful language processing.
摘要 自生成语法的早期以来,对“非界限依存”(如 wh-疑问句和关系从句)的研究在句法理论和语言处理研究中都占据了核心地位。这类结构所带来的问题如下。在一个正常的 wh-疑问句中,wh-短语通常会被移位到一个从句的左边缘(What did you say - to John?);这个被移位的成分通常被称为“填充物”。它在“回声”疑问句(You said what to John?)中原本会出现的空位(在前一个例子中用一条横线表示)相应地被称为“间隙”。填充物和间隙彼此相互依存,因为它们共享对成功句子理解至关重要的句法和语义信息。然而,由于句子处理是一个顺序操作,在填充物发生之后的某个时间才能将其分配给间隙。换句话说,在可以进行填充物-间隙分配之前,填充物必须保存在工作记忆中。本报告中所研究的目的是通过事件相关脑电位(ERPs)来检验英语中非界限依存的处理。为此,向被试展示了语法和非语法的 yes/no-疑问句(Did you say something to John?)和 wh-疑问句。在这些问题的各个点上进行的许多比较表明,在工作记忆中存储填充物以及随后为填充物-间隙分配而检索填充物都与刺激后 300 到 500 毫秒之间左前部位的增强负性相关。这种左前负性(LAN)的效果与引发条件的语法无关,并且是正交的。我们展示了这种解释如何与最近的研究相吻合,这些研究表明左前负性、工作记忆容量和成功的语言处理之间存在相关性。