Escandell-Vidal Victoria
UNED, Madrid, Spain.
Lang Speech. 2017 Jun;60(2):224-241. doi: 10.1177/0023830917698178.
Three different nuclear pitch accents can be found in Castilian Spanish polar interrogatives. In addition to the 'canonical' low-rise pattern, there are two marked interrogative contours featuring high-rise and rise-fall pitch accents. The aim of this paper is to explain how each contour contributes to the interpretation of the utterance in which they occur. I argue that this contribution is to be sought at the semantic, not at the pragmatic-illocutionary, attitudinal-level. My proposal is that the low-rise contour is the expression of unspecified sentence polarity (corresponding to the interrogative operator), whereas the two marked contours add indications about the information source-that is, they encode evidential distinctions. The high-rise pattern indicates that the Self is the source of the information; the rise-fall tone indicates that Other is the source. The whole range of pragmatic interpretations that have been described in the literature can be easily accommodated into the present proposal as inferential developments of the encoded meaning together with contextual information. This view has implications for a theory of interrogatives, for the phonology of intonation and for the articulation of the semantics/pragmatics interface.
在卡斯蒂利亚西班牙语的极性疑问句中可以发现三种不同的核音高重音。除了“典型的”低升调模式外，还有两种带有高升调和升降调重音的显著疑问语调。本文的目的是解释每种语调如何有助于理解其所在话语的含义。我认为这种作用应在语义层面而非语用-言外行为、态度层面来寻找。我的提议是，低升调是未指定句子极性（对应于疑问算子）的表达，而两种显著语调则增加了关于信息来源的指示——也就是说，它们编码了证据差异。高升调模式表明说话者自身是信息来源；降升调表明他人是信息来源。文献中描述的所有语用解释都可以很容易地作为编码意义与语境信息的推理发展纳入本提议。这一观点对疑问句理论、语调音系学以及语义/语用界面的阐述都有影响。
