Thys Séverine, Boelaert Marleen
Sante Publique. 2017 Oct 2;29(4):497-507. doi: 10.3917/spub.174.0497.
In December 2013, a two-year-old child died from viral haemorrhagic fever in Méliandou village in the South-East of Guinea, and constituted the likely index case of a major epidemic. When the virus was formally identified as Ebola, epidemiologists started to investigate the chains of transmission, while local people were trying to make sense out of these deaths. The epidemic control measures taken by national and international health agencies were soon faced by strong reluctance and a sometimes aggressive attitude of the affected communities. Preliminary ethnographic observations were carried out by ST in Macenta (Forest region) during an assignment (October-November 2014) for the Global Outbreak and Alert Response Network (GOARN) of the World Health Organization. ST carried out participative observation, informal conversations and in-depth interviews to identify the rumours and their sources, understand the local population's perception and knowledge about the history and origin of the Ebola outbreak in Guinea. Epidemiologists involved in the outbreak response attributed the first Ebola deaths in the Forest region to the transmission of a virus by contact with fluids of patients, but other Guinean citizens believed these deaths were caused by the breach of a taboo. The epidemiological and popular explanations, mainly evolving in parallel, but sometimes overlapping, are driven by different explanatory models, a biomedical model and a traditional-religious model. The outbreak response must be flexible and must systematically document popular discourse(s), rumours, codes, practices, knowledge and opinions related to the outbreak and use this information to shape and adapt its control interventions.
2013年12月,几内亚东南部梅连杜村一名两岁儿童死于病毒性出血热,这可能是一场重大疫情的首例病例。当该病毒被正式确认为埃博拉病毒时,流行病学家开始调查传播链,与此同时,当地人也在试图弄清楚这些死亡事件的原因。国家和国际卫生机构采取的疫情控制措施很快遭到了受影响社区的强烈抵触,有时甚至是敌对态度。2014年10月至11月,社会学家ST在马森塔(森林地区)执行世界卫生组织全球疫情警报和反应网络(GOARN)的任务期间,进行了初步的人种学观察。ST进行了参与观察、非正式交谈和深入访谈,以确定谣言及其来源,了解当地居民对几内亚埃博拉疫情历史和起源的认知与了解。参与疫情应对的流行病学家将森林地区最初的埃博拉死亡病例归因于与患者体液接触导致的病毒传播,但其他几内亚公民则认为这些死亡是由于违反了禁忌。流行病学解释和大众解释主要并行发展,但有时也会重叠,它们由不同的解释模型驱动,即生物医学模型和传统宗教模型。疫情应对必须灵活,必须系统记录与疫情相关的大众话语、谣言、习俗、做法、知识和观点,并利用这些信息来制定和调整控制干预措施。