Converging evidence for [coronal] underspecification in English-speaking adults.

The goal of this study was to test the predictions of the Featurally Underspecified Lexicon (FUL) theory by examining event-related potential (ERP) indices of phonological representation. Two English consonants differing in place of articulation were selected: [labial] /b/ and [coronal] /d/. It was assumed that the phonological representation of /d/ contained less distinctive feature information due to its [coronal] place of articulation, as compared to /b/. English-speaking adults were presented with two syllables, /bɑ/ and /dɑ/, in an ERP oddball paradigm where both syllables served as the standard and deviant stimulus in opposite stimulus sets. Three types of analyses were conducted: traditional mean amplitude measurements, cluster-based permutation tests, and single-trial general linear model (GLM) analyses of group-level and single-subject data. The less specified /dɑ/ deviant elicited a large MMN while no MMN was elicited by the more specified deviant /bɑ/. Additionally, the /dɑ/ standard syllable elicited larger responses than did the /bɑ/ standard, while deviant syllables did not differ. This implies that the MMN was driven by responses elicited by the standards rather than the deviants. At the single-subject level, not all participants demonstrated significant MMN responses, though all had measurable differences between the standard syllables. Thus, to continue to propose that [coronal] underspecification is a language universal phenomenon, ERP indices other than the MMN should be examined.