Darrow Jonathan J
Cornell J Law Public Policy. 2017;27(1):189-206.
Each year in the United States, surgeons perform approximately 64 million surgical procedures, ranging from tooth extraction to open heart surgery. Yet, notwithstanding the frequency of surgical procedures and their often critical importance to patient health, no state or federal agency either approves the use of new surgical procedures or directly regulates existing procedures. The absence of surgical procedure regulation differs from the regulation of new pharmaceutical products, which can be introduced into interstate commerce only after the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has reviewed "adequate and well-controlled [clinical] investigations" and concluded the data from those studies sufficiently establish the drug's safety and efficacy. Surgical procedures, by contrast, are more often conveyed from professor to student, the result being that surgical approaches may vary considerably from one geographic region to another. Whether different techniques produce different outcomes is not always clear, in part because the absence of regulation means that evidence often has not been systematically generated or may be in a form not suitable for comparison. Commentators have noted the differing treatment that persists between surgery and pharmaceuticals and have offered a number of justifications. For example, they have suggested that the surgical profession should self-regulate, that excessive regulation could deter surgeries of unproven benefit even when the surgery may be in the best interest of the patient, and that surgical trials could disrupt the doctor-patient relationship, such as by emphasizing uncertainty in a context where patient trust is important. In the context of innovative (as opposed to established) surgical procedures, controlled trials might be disfavored due to concern that desperate patients might unwisely submit themselves to risky experimental treatments undertaken by overzealous researchers. When commentators advocate for increased surgical regulation, they generally limit their calls for reform to innovative surgical procedures. The absence of direct regulation, however, has implications for the quality of evidence available to support an optimal choice from among all of the alternatives in the surgeon's armamentarium, whether innovative or standard, and whether surgical or non-surgical. This Article first examines the current framework of indirect regulation surrounding surgical procedures and then offers potential explanations as to why surgical procedures themselves are not already subject to direct federal regulation. Finally, it considers possible contributions of increased surgical regulation, including the identification of evidence gaps, the generation or collection of evidence to fill those gaps, and the impact on surgeon decision-making and patient consent.
在美国,外科医生每年大约要进行6400万例外科手术,范围从拔牙到心脏直视手术。然而,尽管外科手术频繁进行,且对患者健康往往至关重要,但没有任何州或联邦机构批准新的外科手术的使用,也没有直接监管现有手术。外科手术缺乏监管与新药品的监管不同,新药品只有在食品药品监督管理局(FDA)审查了“充分且严格控制的[临床]研究”并得出这些研究的数据充分证明该药物的安全性和有效性之后,才能进入州际商业流通。相比之下,外科手术更多是从教授传授给学生,结果是不同地理区域的手术方法可能有很大差异。不同技术是否会产生不同的结果并不总是很清楚,部分原因是缺乏监管意味着证据往往没有被系统地生成,或者可能是不适合比较的形式。评论者已经注意到手术和药品之间持续存在的不同待遇,并提出了一些理由。例如,他们认为外科行业应该自我监管,过度监管可能会阻止进行未经证实有益的手术,即使该手术可能符合患者的最大利益,而且外科试验可能会破坏医患关系,比如在患者信任很重要的情况下强调不确定性。在创新(相对于既定)外科手术的背景下,由于担心绝望的患者可能会不明智地接受过于热心的研究人员进行的有风险的实验性治疗,对照试验可能不受青睐。当评论者主张加强对外科手术的监管时,他们通常将改革的呼吁局限于创新外科手术。然而,缺乏直接监管对支持外科医生手术器械库中所有选择(无论是创新的还是标准的,手术的还是非手术的)中最佳选择的可用证据质量有影响。本文首先考察围绕外科手术的当前间接监管框架,然后就外科手术本身为何尚未受到直接联邦监管提供潜在解释。最后,它考虑加强外科手术监管可能带来的贡献,包括识别证据差距、生成或收集证据以填补这些差距,以及对外科医生决策和患者同意的影响。