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核前L+H激活重音词的替代形式。

Prenuclear L+H Activates Alternatives for the Accented Word.

作者信息

Braun Bettina, Biezma María

机构信息

Department of Linguistics, University of Konstanz, Konstanz, Germany.

Spanish and Portuguese Department, University of Massachusetts Amherst, Amherst, MA, United States.

出版信息

Front Psychol. 2019 Sep 24;10:1993. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.01993. eCollection 2019.

Abstract

Previous processing studies have shown that constituents that are prosodically marked as focus lead to an activation of alternatives. We investigate the processing of constituents that are prosodically marked as . In German, contrastive topics are prosodically realized by prenuclear L+H accents. Our study tests (a) whether prenuclear accents (as opposed to nuclear accents) are able to activate contrastive alternatives, (b) whether they do this in the same way as constituents prosodically marked as focus with nuclear accents do, which is important for semantic modeling, and (c) whether the activation of alternatives is caused by pitch accent type (prenuclear L+H as contrastive accent vs. prenuclear L+H as non-contrastive accent) or by differences in F0-excursion (related to prominence). We conducted two visual-world eye-tracking studies, in which German listeners heard declarative utterances (e.g., ) and watched displays that depicted four printed words: one that was a contrastive alternative to the subject noun (e.g., ), one that was non-contrastively related to it (e.g., ), the object (e.g., ), which had to be clicked, and an unrelated distractor. Experiment 1 presented participants with two naturally produced intonation conditions, a broad focus control condition with a prenuclear L+H accent on the subject and a contrastive topic condition with a prenuclear L+H accent. The results showed that participants fixated more on the contrastive alternative when the subject was produced with an L+H accent, with the same effect size and timing as reported for focus constituents. Experiment 2 resynthesized the stimuli so that peak height and F0-excursion were the same across intonation conditions. The effect was the same, but the time course was slightly later. Our results suggest that prenuclear L+H immediately leads to the activation of alternatives during online processing, and that the F0-excursion of the accent lends little. The results are discussed with regard to the processing of contrastive focus accents and theories of contrastive topic.

摘要

先前的加工研究表明,韵律上被标记为焦点的成分会引发替代项的激活。我们研究韵律上被标记为……的成分的加工情况。在德语中,对比性话题通过核前L+H调核在韵律上得以实现。我们的研究测试:(a)核前重音(与核重音相对)是否能够激活对比性替代项;(b)它们激活替代项的方式是否与韵律上被核重音标记为焦点的成分相同,这对语义建模很重要;以及(c)替代项的激活是由音高重音类型(作为对比重音的核前L+H与作为非对比重音的核前L+H)还是由F0偏移量的差异(与突显度相关)引起的。我们进行了两项视觉世界眼动追踪研究,在研究中德语听众听到陈述句(例如……),并观看描绘四个印刷单词的显示屏:一个是主语名词的对比性替代项(例如……),一个与之非对比性相关(例如……),必须被点击的宾语(例如……),以及一个不相关的干扰项。实验1向参与者呈现两种自然产生的语调条件,一种是主语带有核前L+H重音的宽泛焦点控制条件,另一种是带有核前L+H重音的对比性话题条件。结果表明,当主语带有L+H重音时,参与者对对比性替代项的注视更多,效应大小和时间与焦点成分的报告相同。实验2重新合成了刺激材料,以便在不同语调条件下峰值高度和F0偏移量相同。效果相同,但时间进程稍晚。我们的结果表明,核前L+H在在线加工过程中会立即引发替代项的激活,并且重音的F0偏移量作用不大。我们将结合对比性焦点重音的加工和对比性话题理论来讨论这些结果。

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