Nespoulous J L, Dordain M, Perron C, Ska B, Bub D, Caplan D, Mehler J, Lecours A R
Département de Linguistique et Philologie, Université de Montréal, Canada.
Brain Lang. 1988 Mar;33(2):273-95. doi: 10.1016/0093-934x(88)90069-7.
A French-speaking patient with Broca's aphasia--following a left-hemisphere lesion involving the sylvian region but sparing Broca's area--is presented. Like G. Miceli, A. Mazzuchi, L. Menn, and H. Goodglass's (1983, Brain and Language, 19, 65-97) case 2, this patient produces agrammatic speech in the absence of any comprehension deficit. Unlike Miceli's patient, though, agrammatic speech can be observed in all sentence production tasks (from spontaneous speech to repetition, oral reading, and writing) whereas production of individual words--be they open class or closed class--is almost always intact. On the basis of extensive (psycho)linguistic testing, it is argued that this patient's deficit is not central and not crucially syntactic (at least) at the level of knowledge but seems to disrupt specifically those (automatic?) processes responsible for both retrieval and production of free-standing grammatical morphemes whenever they have to be inserted into phrases and sentences.
本文介绍了一名患有布罗卡失语症的说法语患者，其左半球病变累及西尔维安区域，但布罗卡区未受影响。与G. 米切利、A. 马祖奇、L. 门恩和H. 古德格拉斯（1983年，《大脑与语言》，第19卷，65 - 97页）的病例2一样，该患者在没有任何理解缺陷的情况下产生语法缺失性言语。然而，与米切利的患者不同的是，在所有句子生成任务（从自发言语到重复、朗读和书写）中都能观察到语法缺失性言语，而单个单词（无论是开放类还是封闭类）的生成几乎总是完好无损的。基于广泛的（心理）语言学测试，有人认为该患者的缺陷并非中枢性的，至少在知识层面上并非关键的句法缺陷，而是似乎专门干扰了那些（自动？）负责在将独立的语法语素插入短语和句子时进行检索和生成的过程。
