History Department, John Jay College of the City University of New York, 524 W. 59th St., New York, 10019, USA.
J Hist Biol. 2023 Oct;56(3):525-557. doi: 10.1007/s10739-023-09733-9. Epub 2023 Sep 15.
In 1904, Ellen Richards introduced "euthenics." By 1912, Lewellys Barker, director of medicine and physician-in-chief at Johns Hopkins Hospital, would tell the New York Times that the "task of eugenics" and the "task of euthenics" was the "Task for the Nation." Alongside the emergence of hereditarian eugenics, where fate was firmly rooted in heredity, this article places euthenics into the same Progressive Era demands for the scientific management over environmental issues like life and labor, health and hygiene, sewage and sanitation. I argue that euthenics not only heralded women as leaders in the quest for what Richards and eugenicists termed "racial improvement," but also aimed to make reforms through environmental and educational changes rather than hereditary interventions. Seeking to recuperate the figure of Ellen Richards in the history of science, I place Richards and her euthenics more into the debate over eugenics rather than over the emergence of home economics. Building on the work of Donald Opitz, Staffan Bergwik, and Brigette Van Tiggelen, this article shows, first, how Richards' career threads the needle between the home and the laboratory as sites of science making, not as separate spheres but as overlapping realms, and helps recover how domestic concerns shaped the focus of the life sciences. Second, this article shows how euthenics shaped eugenics by looking at the writings of American eugenicists Charles Davenport, Paul Popenoe, and David Starr Jordan. Third, the article describes how euthenics took root in new academic departments of domestic science, home economics, and departments child welfare and family life in the 1920 and 1930s, most notably the department of euthenics at the Kansas State Agricultural College from 1926 and the Institute of Euthenics at Vassar College after 1923.
1904 年,埃伦·理查兹(Ellen Richards)引入了“优生学”。到 1912 年,约翰霍普金斯医院的医学主任和内科主任刘易斯·巴克(Lewellys Barker)告诉《纽约时报》,“优生学的任务”和“优生学的任务”是“国家的任务”。随着遗传优生学的出现,命运牢牢扎根于遗传,本文将优生学置于同样的进步时代要求之中,即对环境问题进行科学管理,例如生命和劳动、健康和卫生、污水和卫生。我认为,优生学不仅预示着女性将成为追求理查兹和优生学家所谓的“种族改善”的领导者,而且还旨在通过环境和教育变革而不是遗传干预来进行改革。本文试图在科学史中恢复埃伦·理查兹的形象,将理查兹和她的优生学更多地置于优生学的争论中,而不是家庭经济学的出现。本文以唐纳德·奥皮茨(Donald Opitz)、斯塔凡·伯格维克(Staffan Bergwik)和布里吉特·范·蒂格伦(Brigette Van Tiggelen)的工作为基础,首先展示了理查兹的职业生涯如何将家庭和实验室作为科学创造的场所联系在一起,而不是作为独立的领域,而是作为重叠的领域,帮助人们重新认识到家庭问题如何塑造了生命科学的焦点。其次,本文通过考察美国优生学家查尔斯·达文波特(Charles Davenport)、保罗·波普诺(Paul Popenoe)和大卫·斯塔尔·乔丹(David Starr Jordan)的著作,展示了优生学如何塑造优生学。第三,本文描述了优生学如何在 20 世纪 20 年代和 30 年代在新的家政科学、家庭经济学以及儿童福利和家庭生活系生根,尤其是堪萨斯州立农业学院从 1926 年开始的优生学系和 1923 年之后瓦萨学院的优生学研究所。