Solomon Brittany C, Hall Matthew E K, Hemmen Abigail, Druckman James N
Department of Management and Organization, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN.
Department of Political Science, University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN.
Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A. 2024 Sep 24;121(39):e2402428121. doi: 10.1073/pnas.2402428121. Epub 2024 Sep 16.
Whether and when to censor hate speech are long-standing points of contention in the US. The latest iteration of these debates entails grappling with content regulation on social media in an age of intense partisan polarization. But do partisans disagree about what types of hate speech to censor on social media or do they merely differ on how much hate speech to censor? And do they understand out-party censorship preferences? We examine these questions in a nationally representative conjoint survey experiment (participant = 3,357; decision = 40,284). We find that, although Democrats support more censorship than Republicans, partisans generally agree on what types of hate speech are most deserving of censorship in terms of the speech's target, source, and severity. Despite this substantial cross-party agreement, partisans mistakenly believe that members of the other party prioritize protecting different targets of hate speech. For example, a major disconnect between the two parties is that Democrats overestimate and Republicans underestimate the other party's willingness to censor speech targeting Whites. We conclude that partisan differences on censoring hate speech are largely based on free speech values and misperceptions rather than identity-based social divisions.
在美国,是否以及何时审查仇恨言论一直是争论的焦点。这些辩论的最新一轮涉及在党派严重两极分化的时代应对社交媒体上的内容监管。但党派人士是在审查社交媒体上何种类型的仇恨言论上存在分歧,还是仅仅在审查多少仇恨言论上存在差异?他们是否了解党外的审查偏好?我们在一项具有全国代表性的联合调查实验中研究了这些问题(参与者 = 3357人;决策 = 40284个)。我们发现,尽管民主党人比共和党人支持更多的审查,但党派人士在仇恨言论的目标、来源和严重程度方面,通常在何种类型的仇恨言论最应受到审查上达成一致。尽管存在这种广泛的跨党派共识,但党派人士错误地认为对方党派成员优先保护不同的仇恨言论目标。例如,两党之间的一个主要脱节是,民主党人高估而共和党人低估了对方党派审查针对白人的言论的意愿。我们得出结论,在审查仇恨言论上的党派差异很大程度上基于言论自由价值观和误解,而非基于身份的社会分歧。