Bautista Gloria Omaira, Kroeger Axel, Castillo Nelly Rosero, Sanchez Eduardo Gabriel Osorio, Escobar Dianne Sofía Gonzales, Olarte Rafael, Monsalve Sonia Diaz
Departamento Promoción, Departamento Promoción, Protección y Gestión en Salud, Cúcuta, Colombia.
Centre for Medicine and Society, University of Freiburg, Freiburg, Germany.
BMC Public Health. 2025 Jan 22;25(1):261. doi: 10.1186/s12889-024-21222-0.
Internal displacement and cross-country migration are an increasing global phenomenon drawing the attention of politicians and the public. Causes and effects on the migrants and receptor populations are varied and often shaped by immigration laws and how migrants and refugees are being dealt with by local conditions, policy frameworks and by the host population (receptors). The massive influx of Venezuelan migrants into Colombia for more than a decade has characteristics which warrant a systematic analysis to identify contextual and individual factors favouring and hindering the well-being of migrants and their new Colombian neighbours of the receptor population.
A household interview survey was conducted in two cities of the Colombo-Venezuelan border: Cucuta and Valledupar. The survey included 412 migrant families, comprising 1656 individuals, and 317 Colombian neighbour families, totalling 1077 individuals. Only migrants staying in the border area for more than 6 months and excluding "short term migrants" who cross the border only for getting treatment or schooling for their children. We used systematic sampling in neighbourhoods with the highest concentration of migrants. The sampling interval was set at every 7 and 6 migrant households. Ethical approval was obtained by the ethics committees of the three participating universities and the local health authority.
Venezuelan migrants were younger than their Colombian neighbours (22.04 and 28.69 years respectively). The primary reason for migration among these individuals was economic (84.1%) and much less for political reasons (< 10%); about half of them had entered the country through an irregular crossings, known locally as "trochas". Within this group, around 28% reported experiencing various forms of violence, particularly physical or verbal aggression, much less sexual assault. Following their arrival, irregular migrants had to go through a regulation (legalization) process in Colombia, with 48.1% having either initiated or completed this process. The target migrants have been living in Colombia for an average of 4.3 years, mostly in poor shelters, just as their Colombian neighbours (64.8% and 53% respectively). Both groups, but particularly the migrants, belonged to the lower socioeconomic strata according to their educational levels and occupations (street vendors including street musicians and entertainers; 21.6% of migrants and 10.6% of Colombian neighbours). They all had stressful life events recently, with economic hardship being the most significant one, especially among migrants. In terms of exposure to physical violence, the rates were almost equal for both groups. However, specific incidents such as theft, assault and intended homicide were more often experienced by the Colombian receptor population. Legal services were often sought by migrants, mostly in a special advice centre for migrants or from international organizations while their Colombian neighbours resorted mainly to national institutions including the police. For health issues migrants had often to go to private services with out-of-pocket payment while the Colombians accessed the health system through the subsidized or pre-paid health insurance. Emotional and psychological symptoms were frequent in both groups but more among migrants. The Colombian respondents had more frequently negative comments about migrants but acknowledged that they were exploited in Colombia and that they contribute to community activities and the local economy.
Both Venezuelan migrants and their Colombian neighbours suffer significantly from the consequences of poverty and stressful living conditions. As such, they require equal attention from policymakers and public services. This attention should encompass enhanced security in the public spaces, accessible legal advice, and comprehensive health support.
境内流离失所和跨国移民是一个日益全球化的现象,正吸引着政治家和公众的关注。对移民及其接纳人群的影响和成因各不相同,且往往受到移民法以及当地情况、政策框架和接纳人群(接收者)对待移民和难民方式的影响。十多年来,大量委内瑞拉移民涌入哥伦比亚,其特点值得进行系统分析,以确定有利于和阻碍移民及其新的哥伦比亚邻居(接纳人群)福祉的背景因素和个人因素。
在科伦坡 - 委内瑞拉边境的两个城市库库塔和巴耶杜帕尔进行了一项家庭访谈调查。该调查包括412个移民家庭,共1656人,以及317个哥伦比亚邻居家庭,共计1077人。仅包括在边境地区停留超过6个月的移民,不包括仅为子女就医或上学而跨境的“短期移民”。我们在移民最集中的社区采用系统抽样。抽样间隔设定为每7户和6户移民家庭抽取一户。参与调查的三所大学的伦理委员会和当地卫生当局均给予了伦理批准。
委内瑞拉移民比他们的哥伦比亚邻居年轻(分别为22.04岁和28.69岁)。这些人移民的主要原因是经济方面(84.1%),因政治原因移民的比例则低得多(<10%);约一半人通过当地称为“trochas”的非法过境点进入该国。在这一群体中,约28%的人报告曾经历各种形式的暴力,尤其是身体或言语攻击,遭受性侵犯的比例则低得多。抵达后,非法移民必须在哥伦比亚经历一个规范(合法化)过程,48.1%的人已经启动或完成了这一过程。目标移民在哥伦比亚平均居住了4.3年,大多居住在简陋的住所,他们的哥伦比亚邻居也是如此(分别为64.8%和53%)。根据教育水平和职业,这两个群体,尤其是移民,都属于社会经济较低阶层(街头小贩,包括街头音乐家和艺人;移民占21.6%,哥伦比亚邻居占1