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外部威胁下欧盟政体形成的两种功能主义逻辑:来自联合实验的证据

Two functionalist logics of European Union polity formation under external threat: Evidence from a conjoint experiment.

作者信息

Moise Alexandru D, Oana Ioana-Elena, Truchlewski Zbigniew, Wang Chendi

机构信息

Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, Fiesole, Italy.

Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam, Florence, the Netherlands.

出版信息

Eur Union Polit. 2025 Jun;26(2):369-392. doi: 10.1177/14651165251320870. Epub 2025 Apr 1.

DOI:10.1177/14651165251320870
PMID:40417649
原文链接:https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC12097704/
Abstract

The Russian invasion of Ukraine challenged the European Union (EU) polity exceptionally, affecting many policy domains. We argue that the external threat triggers different logics of (in)security which can result in polity formation across policies. Two functionalist logics put pressure on the EU to centralize policies that (a) help it meet the geopolitical challenge set by Russia and (b) maintain unity among member states in the face of the challenge. We test this theory with a conjoint survey experiment in Germany, France, Italy, Poland, and Hungary, where we vary refugee, energy, costs of living, and defense policies. Our results show that there is strong solidarity for sharing the costs of refugees, which cuts across ideological and identitarian groups, and across countries. Other policy areas show more contentious support.

摘要

俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵对欧盟政体构成了极大挑战,影响到诸多政策领域。我们认为,外部威胁引发了不同的(不)安全逻辑,这可能导致跨政策的政体形成。两种功能主义逻辑对欧盟施加压力,促使其集中政策,一是帮助应对俄罗斯设定的地缘政治挑战,二是在面对挑战时维持成员国之间的团结。我们在德国、法国、意大利、波兰和匈牙利进行了一项联合调查实验来检验这一理论,在实验中我们改变了难民、能源、生活成本和国防政策。我们的结果表明,在分担难民成本方面存在强烈的团结意识,这种团结跨越了意识形态和身份认同群体,也跨越了不同国家。其他政策领域的支持则更具争议性。

https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/3f5d2556df42/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig4.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/81ae7b9b7481/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig1.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/f23249f74bef/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig2.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/f0b34fe05c2a/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig3.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/3f5d2556df42/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig4.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/81ae7b9b7481/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig1.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/f23249f74bef/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig2.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/f0b34fe05c2a/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig3.jpg
https://cdn.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/blobs/0df0/12097704/3f5d2556df42/10.1177_14651165251320870-fig4.jpg

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本文引用的文献

1
Maintaining the EU's compound polity during the long crisis decade.在漫长的危机十年中维持欧盟的复合政体。
J Eur Public Policy. 2023 Jan 24;31(3):706-728. doi: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2165698. eCollection 2024.
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A unified autonomous Europe? Public opinion of the EU's foreign and security policy.一个统一自治的欧洲?欧盟外交和安全政策的公众舆论。
J Eur Public Policy. 2023 May 29;30(8):1679-1698. doi: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2217230. eCollection 2023.
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Crisis pressures and European integration.危机压力与欧洲一体化
J Eur Public Policy. 2021 Sep 2;29(9):1351-1373. doi: 10.1080/13501763.2021.1966079. eCollection 2022.